Translations

Introduction and Critical Material

Anderson, Karl. "Scandinavian Elements in the Works of William Morris." Diss., Harvard University, 1940.

[retyped from the original manuscript, with page nos. inserted and original punctuation and footnoting preserved in order to enable citation.] Scan of accessible pdf files.

Footnotes:

[117]

1. Collected Works, VII, 286. The statement is quoted by the critic in the Saturday Review, XXX (1870), 81.

2. Page 82.

[118]]                                                                                                                        

  1. Page 82
  2. Page 81

[119]                                                                                                                      

 

  1. See the London Quarterly Review, XXXV (1870-1871), 77-100. The references to the Vőlsunga saga are found on pages 96-98.
  2. Collected Works, VI, x-xi.
  3. See Forman, Books of William Morris, p. 65.
  4. See above, pages 64-67.

[120]                                                                                                                        

  1. See above, pages 55-56
  2. William Morris, 1, 204.
  3. I, 109-113.
  4. See above, pages 2-3.

[121]                                                                                                                         

  1. See above, pages 63-64 and 109-110.
  2. William Morris, I, 204.
  3. Collected Works, VII, xxxii.

[122]                                                                                                                                  

  1. Pages 91-103.
  2. See Collected Works, VI, 31, 11. 16-27 and Fornaldar Sőgur Nordrlanda, I, 230, 1. 28-231, 1. 2.
  3. See Collected Works, VI, 32, 11. 11-12 and Fornaldar Sőgur, I, 231, 11. 2-7.
  4. See Collected Works, VI, 35, 11. 8-14 and Fornaldar Sőgur, I, 233, 11. 5-9.
  5. See Collected Works, VI, 36, 11. 21-23 and Fornaldar Sőgur, I, 233, 11. 22-23.
  6. See Collected Works, VI, 39, 1. 20-40, 1. 9 and Fornaldar Sőgur, I, 244, 11. 1-3.
  7. See Collected Works, VI, 41, 11. 6-16 and Fornaldar Sőgur, I, 243, 1. 26-244, 1. 1.
  8. See Collected Works, VI, 41, 11. 26-31 and Fornaldar Sőgur, I, 243, 11. 20-25.
  9. See Collected Works, VI, 42, 11. 83-85 and Fornaldar Sőgur, I, 244, 11. 11-19.

[123]                                                                                                                        

  1. The additions just enumerated show that Karl Litzenburg’s statement, in Scandinavian Studies and Notes, VIII (1034-1035), 104, that Morris acquired the story of “The Fostering Aslaug” “from the summary in English of the Volsung legends published by Thorpe in Northern Mythology, Volume I” is not entirely correct.
  2. See Thompson, op. cit., pp. 96, 97, and 98 and Collected Works, VI, 24, 1-4 and 34. 1.11. Thompson does not, however, mention the reference to Odin in Ibid., VI, 45, 1.25. Moreover, in commenting on the allusion to Odin in Ibid., VI, 24, 1.4, he does not point out that in representing the people as thinking that “Odin had called Heimir home,” Morris was using a common Old Norse expression for “to die.” For occurrences of expressions of this type that Morris may well have known, see the Heimskringla, tr. Laing, I, 259, 1.14; 319, 11.8-10; 357, 1.1; 364, 1.11; and 424, 11.25-26.
  3. See Thompson, op. cit., pp. 95 and 97 and Collected Works, VI, 24, 1.11 and 39, 1.25. Thompson neglects, however, to point out the reference to Freyia in Ibid, VI, 44, 1.24.
  4. See Thompson, op. cit., p. 96 and Collected Works, VI, 35, 11, 26-27.
  5. See Thompson, op. cit., p. 97 and Collected Works, VI, 45, 11.15-16.
  6. Pp. 97-78. For the passage in the poem, see Collected Works, VI, 45, 1.18.

[124]                                                                                                                                  

  1. “R” stands for “Ragnar.”
  2. Page 98. For the passage in Morris’s poem, see Collected Works, VI, 64, 11.4-13
  3. See Fornaldar Sőgur, I, 251-288.
  4. The Ragnars saga does not mention any visit of Ragnar to Constantinople.

[125]                                                                                                                                  

  1. Page 97. Thompson has misquoted the line’ it should read Om jeg hamrer eller hamres. See Henrik Ibsen, Samlede Verker, edd. Francis Bull, Halvdan Koht, and Didrik A. Selp (Oslo: Gyldendal gorsk Forlag, 1928-1937), VI, 66.
  2. “R” stands for “Ragnar.”
  3. Pages 100-101. Similarly, Thompson’s reference on page 97 to the poem “The Land of the East of the Sun and West of the Moon” scarcely seem

[126]                                                                                                                        

  1. II (1870-1871), 58.
  2. XLIV (1871), 105.
  3. XXXVI (1871), 253.
  4. XXX (1870), 808.
  5. No. 2251 (December 17, 1870), 796. For other reviews of the Volume IV, see the Galaxy, XI (1871), 606-609; the Nestminster Review, XXXIV, New Series (1871), 581; and the Eclectic Magazine, XIII, new Series (1871), 250-251.

[127]                                                                                                                                  

  1. Collected Works, VI, 295.
  2. William Morris, I, 207-208.
  3. See Fornaldar Sőgur Nordrlanda, I, 224-228.

[128]                                                                                                                                  

  1. XXIV, 281-315.
  2. I, 106-107.
  3. The story of Swanhild is related in an extremely abbreviated form in the prose lines introducing the “Guðrunarhvot,” this poem and the one following it in the Poetic Edda, the “Hamðisamál,” dealing with later episodes connected with the tale; the account in these lines, however, is so hort that it does not even mention that Randver and Bikki were sent to woo Swanhild. Very brief references to the tale are also made in stanzas 53 and 61 of the “Sigurðarkvlða in skamma.” With this material Morris may very well have become acquainted before 1869 through Thorpe’s translation of the Poetic Edda (see II, 82-83 and 137 and above, pp. 43-44). There is a fuller account of Swanhild in Chapter XLII of the “Skáldskaparmál” in the Prose Edda, but this part of the Prose Edda had not been translated into English by 1869 and thre is no evidence that Morris had read it in the original at this time. That “The Wooing of Swanhild” had almost certainly not been written or even planned before 1869 is indicated, it should be noted, by the fact that Morris did not mention it in 1867 and 1868 in his announcements of the tales intended at that time for The Earthly Paradise (see Collected Works, III, xi-xii).

[129]                                                                                                                                  

  1. Collected Works, XXIV, 288.
  2. Ibid., VII, 392.
  3. In the case of the names of the other two main characters the situation is different. Thus, in his poem Morris calls the stepfather of Swanhild “Jonak” or “Jonakur,” the form depending on the demands of the metre, but in his rendering of the saga he always uses the spelling “Jonakr”; Thorpe adopted the form “Jonakur.” Perhaps Morris varied the spelling in his poem because he wished to make clear to his readers whether the word was to be pronounced as a dissyllable or a trisyllable. In the case of the name “Hermanaric,” Morris departed from the forms used in the Old Norse account, in his own translation, and in Thorpe’s abstract, and adopted the usual spelling of the name of the historical king of the East Goths with whom the Old Norse Jőrmunrekr is to be indentified.

I should also like to point out here that in his article “William Morris and Scandinavian Literature: A Bibliographical Essay,” Karl Litzenburg states (on page 103) that Morris acquired the story for “The Wooing of Swanhild” from the summary in English of the Volsung legends published by Thorpe in Northern Mythology, Volume I,” and later (on page 105) he cites this poem as an example of those works of Morris “which are based on English versions of Scandinavian stories” as distinct from those “which are taken directly from their Old Norse originals….” He also dates the poem “circa 1865-1868.” These statements conflict with my conclusion that the poem was written at the end of 1869 or the beginning of 1870, after Morris had read the Vőlsunga saga. The evidence I have presented in the text above and at the end of note 3 on page 128 is of course not conclusive, but Dr. Litzenberg does not seem to have taken these considerations into account in forming his opinion; he does not state the reason for his…

[130]                                                                                                                                  

  1. Collected Works, VII, xxx11-xxx111.

[131]                                                                                                                                  

  1. Collected Works, XXIV, xxxi.
  2. Ibid. , VII, 392.

[131]                                                                                                                                   

  1. See Collected Works, VII, 375 and 379-392 and Thorpe, Northern Mythology, I, 103-106.

[132]                                                                                                                                  

  1. Collected Works, VII, 393.

[133]

[134]                                                                                                                          

  1. Morris left this fragment unpublished, but Miss Morris included it in the Collected Works, XXIV, 315-328.

[135]                                                                                                                                                                            

 
  1. Collected Works, XXIV, 326.
  2. Ibid., XXIV, 323.
  3. Loc. Cit.

[136]                                                                                                                                  

  1. Collected Works, XXIV, 323.
  2. Ibid. , XXIV, 325
  3. Fornladar Sőgur, I, 409-512.
  4. See below, p. 1001.

[137]                                                                                                                                  

  1. Studies and Notes in Philology and Literature, IK (1903), 44-45.
  2. See Poetical Works (Edinburgh, 1833-1834), II, 255-257.
  3. See the Works of William Herbert (London, 1842), I, 267-270.
  4. I, 151-231.
  5. As I have already pointed out, Morris even as a boy admired and read Scott avidly (see above, pp. 1-2).
  6. It is fairly safe to assume that Morris was familiar with the works of Herbert, for an edition of Herbert’s Helga was found in his library at his death (see below, p. 1007).
  7. I should like to point out here that in his study Farley also calls attention to the fact that the poem “The Waking of Angantyr,” which was included in the Hervarar saga, had at an early date attracted the attention of English antiquaries, and that during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries eight translations or adaptations of this poem appeared in England (see Farley, op. cit., pp. 44-58). Some of these Morris may very likely have known, especially the version included in Percy’s Five Pieces of Runic Poetry, this rendering later appearing also in Percy’s translation of Mallet’s L’introduction a l’hisstoire de Dannemarc or Northern Antiquities (Edinburgh, 1809), II, 289-303. However, these renderings and adaptations could not have been Morris’s sole source of information about Tyrfing, for although many of them are provided with short introductions relating briefly the early history

[138]                                                                                                                                  
(continuation of note 7 on page 138) of the sword, none of them mention the fact that the weapon was cursed so that it could not be drawn without killing a man, and to this detail Morris refers in the fourth passage quoted. This quality of the sword, however, is described in Scott’s, Herbert’s, and Taylor’s works.

  1. (London, 1850), pp. 72-74.
  2. For the description of Tyrfing in the Hervarar saga, see Fornaldar Sőgur, I, 414-415.

[139]                                                                                                                                 

  1. I, 219.
  2. Pages 350 and 252
  3. See above, pp. 43-44 and the Gísla saga, tr. Dasent, p. 89.
  4. See the fifth passage quoted above.
  5. Fornaldar Sőgur Nordrlanda, I, 151 and 159.
  6. Ibid. , I, 237.
  7. See Thorpe’s Northern Mythology, II, 263-265. Morris may also have known the reference to this belief in Percy’s introductory remarks to his translation “The Waking of Angantyr” (in Mallet’s Northern Antiquities) ( Edinburgh, 1809), II, 296.
  8. See, for example, Thorpe’s Northern Mythology, I, 5 and 11 and Mallet’s Northern Antiquities (London, 1847), p. 405.

[141]                                                                                                                                  

  1. They are not listed in Sveinbjðrn Egilsson’s Lexicon Poeticum (2 Udgave ved Finnur Jónsson [Copenhagen: S. L. Møllers Bogtrykkerl, 1931]) no in the section “Skáldskaparmál” in the Prose Edda. Kennings similar to the first one are of course fairly common. The nearest one to Morris’s that I have found is “róg, Niflunga” (see Egilsson, op. cit., p. 471, col.1, s. v. “róg”).
  2. Page 23.

[142]                                                                                                                                  

  1. Collected Works, XXIC, xxxi.
  2. See below, pp. 590-593.

[143]                                                                                                                                  

  1. William Morris, I, 209.
  2. In his articles “Tyrfing into Excalibur? A Note on William Morris’s Unfinished Poem, ‘In Arthur’s House’” (in Scandinavian Studies and Notes, XV (1938-1939), 81-83) and “Allusions to the Elder Edda in the ‘Non-Norse’ Poems of William Morris,” p. 20, Dr. Litzenberg assumes that the poem “In Arthur’s Hose” was written early – about 1865. As I have said above, there is no conclusive evidence as to the date of the fragment, but what evidence we do have seems to me to point to a time after 1868; Dr. Litzenberg does not state his reasongs for believing the poem as early as 1865.

[144]                                                                                                                                  

  1. In addition to the references to Tyrfing in the quotations given above, there is a mere mention of the sword in Collected Works, XXIV, 324, 1.14.
  2. See above, pp. 93-94.
  3. See, for example, The Complete Works of Geoffrey Chaucer, ed. F. N. Robinson (Cambridge: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1933), p. 156, p. 323. See also above, on pp. 76-77, the references to such a sword in Thorpe’s tale “The Land East of the Sun and West of the Moon.”

[145]

[146]

[147]
                                                                                                                                 

  1. See above, p.109.
  2. See Collected Works, IX, xxviii.
  3. See Sparling, Kelmscott Press and William Morris, p. 149.
  4. See Collected Works, IX, xxv. I should like to point out here that in view of the fact that three of these ballad translations are definitely known to have been produced in 1870, it would, perhaps, have been better to assume that the majority of them were prepared before 1871 and to have considered them as belonging to the first period of Morris’s Scandinavian work. However, as I have stated above, we have no definite evidence as to the date of the composition of six of the other seven, and since it is just as likely that they were prepared after the beginning of 1871 as before – perhaps even somewhat more likely -, I have decided to treat them as belonging to the

[148]
                                                                                                                                 

  1. See Collected Works, IX, 213-224, 203-205, 208-209, 210-212, 201-202, and 206-207.
  2. XXIV, 352-355.
  3. I, 517-518.
  4. II, 611.
  5. For “Hafbur and Signy,” “Hildebrand and Hellelil,” “Knight Aagen and Maiden Else,” and “The Mother under the Mold” Morris followed the texts in Udvalgte Danske Viser fra Middelalderen, edd. W. H. F. Abrahamson, R. Nyerup, and K. L. Rahbek (Copenhagen, 1812-1814): for the originals of these ballad renderings see Ibid., III, 3-18; III, 353-357; I, 210-214; and I, 205-209. For his translation “Agnes and the Hill-Man” Morris used Danmarks Gamle Folkeviser, edd.

[149]
                                                                                                                                 
(Continuation of note 5 on page 148)                Svend Grundtvig and Axel Olrik (Copenhagen, 1853-1923), II, 53, No. 380. Dr. Litzenberg’s statement, in his article “William Morris and Scandinavian Literature: A Bibliographical Essay,” p. 96, that the originals of Morris’s “Hafbur and Signy,” “Knight Aagen and Maiden Else,” and “Hildebrand and Hellelil” were the text in Grundtvig’s collection I have found to be inaccurate.
For other versions that had been published by 1875 of the five Danish ballads that Morris translated, see the following works:
For “Hafbur and Signy,” Levniger ag Middel-Alderens Digtekunst, [ed. Rerthel C. Sandvig] (Copenhagen, 1780-1784), I, 33-34; Gamle Danske Folkeviser, ed. [Adam g.] Oehlenschläger (Copenhagen, 1840), pp.51-66; Kjaempeviser. Ed. Christian Winther (Copenhagen, 1840), pp. 192-207; and Danmarks Folkeviser, ed. Grundtvig, I, 276-317;
For “Hildebrand and Hellelil,” Levinger, [ed. Sandvig], II, 137-143; and Danmarks Folkeviser, ed. Grundtvig, II, 393-403, 680-681, and III, 857-858;
For “Knight Aagen and Maiden Else,” Levinger, [ed. Sandvig], I, 63-65; Gamle Folkeviser, ed Oehlenschläger, pp. 86-88; Danske Kaempeviser til Skole-Brug, ed. Nik[olai] F. S. Grundtvig (Copenhagen, 1847), pp. 185-189; and Danmarks Folkeviser, ed. Grundtvig, II, 495-497 and III, 870-871;
For “The Mother under the Mold,” Gamle Folkeviser, ed. Oehlenschläger, pp. 82-85; Kjaempeviser, ed. A. F. Winding (Copenhagen, 1843), pp. 31-34; Dankse Kaempeviser, ed. N.F.S. Grundtvig, pp. 181-185; Danmarks Folkeviser, ed. Grundtvig, II, 478-491, 681-682, and III, 860-868; and Jydske Folkeviser og Toner, ed. Evald T. Kristensen (Copenhagen, 1871-1876), I, 54-55 and 206-211;
And for “Agnes and the Hill-Man,” Danske Viser, edd. Abrahamson, Nyerup, and rahbek, I, 313-315; Gamle Folkeviser, ed. Oehlenschläger, pp. 108-110; Kjaempeviser, ed. Winther, pp. 128-130; Danske Kaempeviser, ed. N.F.S. Gundtvig, pp. 141-143; Danmarks Folkeviser, ed. Grundtvig, II, 51-57, 656-661, III, 813-818, and IV, 807-809; and Jydske Folkeviser, ed Kristensen, I, 251-253.

[150]
                                                                                                                                 

  1. (Copenhagen, 1854-1885.) For the original of “The Son’s Sorrow” see Ibid., I, 144-146; for the text of “The Lay of Christine” see Ibid., I, 154-157. For other versions of the former ballad see Ibid., I, 147-152.
  2. (Stockholm, 1834-1842), II, 90-91.
  3. Svenska Folk-Visor från Forntiden, edd. Er[ik] G. Geijer and Arv[id] A. Afzelius (Stockholm, 1814-1816), III, 104-106. For references to other versions that had been published before 1875 or these two ballads in Swedish, Danish, Norwegian, English, German, French, Italian, Wendish, Magyar, edc., see below, pages 154 and 156-157.
  4. In listing below the translations which had been published by 1875 of these ballads, I have single starred those which are base, not on the same text as Morris used, but on a very similar version of the ballad and which may consequently be compared with Morris’s rendering, and I have double-starred those which follow exactly the same text as Morris used.

For English, German, and French translations of the six Danish ballads Morris turned into English, see the following works:

For “Hafbur and Signy,” Fraser’s Magazine, XLV (1852), 656-658**; Old Danish Ballads, by an Amateur (London, 1856), pp. 29-49*; Ancient Danish Ballads, tr. R.C. Alexander Prior (London and Edinburgh, 1860), I, 216-231* and 232-240; Altdänische Heldenlieder, Balladen und Märchen, tr. Wilhelm C. Grimm (Heidelberg, 1811), 93-101*; Auswahl altdänischer Heldenlieder und Balladen, tr. L.C. Sander (Copenhagen,

[151]
                                                                                                                                 
(Continuation of note 4 on page 150)                1816), pp. 97-120**; Dänische Volkslieder der Vorzeit, tr. Tosa Warrens (Hamburg, 1858), pp. 243-260; and Chants Populaires Du Nord, tr. X[avier] Marmier (Paris, 1842), pp. 148-155**;
For “Hildebrand and Hellelil,” Fraser’s Magazine, LI(1855), 89**; Danish Ballads, by an Amateur, pp. 13-15; Danish Ballads, tr. Prior, II, 411-415*, 415-418**, 418-420, and 420-422; Ballad Stories of the Affections, tr. Robert Buchanan (New York, 1869), pp. 15-19**; Altdänische Heldenlieder, tr Grimm, pp. 119-121; and Chants Populaires, tr. Marmier, pp. 141-143**;
For “Knight Aagen and Maiden Else,” Romantic Ballads, tr. George Borrow (London, 1826), pp. 47-52*; Foreign Quarterly Review, VI (1830), 62-63**;  Danish Ballads, by an Amateur, pp. 75-78; Danish Ballads, tr. Prior, III, 76-81 and 81-88**; New Monthly Magazine, CXXXI (1864), 42-43**; Fortnightly Review, I (1865), 693-695**; Ballad Stories, tr. Buchanan, pp. 112-116**; Altdänische Heldenlieder, tr. Grimm, pp. 73-74; Auswahl altdänischer Heldenlieder, tr. Sander, pp. 41-45**; Christian Rauch, “Die skandinavischen Balladen des Mittelalters” in Jahresbericht űber die Friedrichs-Werdersche Gewerbeschule in Berlin (Berlin, 1873), pp. 29-31; and Chants Populaires, tr. Marmier, pp. 134-135**;
For “The Mother under the Mold,” London Magazine, I (1820), 397-398*; “The Ghaist’s Warning,”* tr. Robert Jamieson (in Sir Walter Scott’s Poetical Works (Edinburgh, 1861), VIII, 335-339); Fraser’s Magazine, XLV (1852), 653-654**; Danish Ballads, by an Amateur, pp. 23-26*; Danish Ballads, tr. Prior, I, 368-371**; Henry W. Longfellow, Complete Poetical Works (Boston and New York, 1914), pp. 282-283** (composed and originally published in 1873 [see Ibid., p.678]); Altdänische Heldenlieder, tr. Grimm, pp. 147-149*; Talvj (Therese A. L. von Jakob), Versuch einer geschichtlichen Uebersicht der Lieder aussereuropäischer vőlkerschaften (Leipzig, 1840), pp. 237-239**; Dänische Volkslieder, tr. Warrens, pp. 183-191; and Chants Populaires, tr. Marmier, pp. 108-111**;
For “Agnes and the Hill-Man,” Danish Ballads, tr. Prior, III, 335-337**;
And for “Axel Thordson and Fair Walborg,” Danish Ballads, tr. Prior, II, 247-276; Ballad Stories, tr. Buchanan, pp. 117-159; Altdänische Heldenlieder, tr. Grimm, pp. 357-382; and Chants Populaires, tr. Marmier, pp. 156-173.
For the sake of completeness, I should like to note the following English, German, and French translations of Swedish, Norwegian, or Icelandic versions of these same six ballads:
For “Hafbur and Signy,” Altschwedische Balladen, Mährchen und Schwänke sammt einigen dänischen Volksliedern, tr. Gottlieb Mohnike (Stuttgart and Tubingen, 1836), pp. 1-10; and Volkssagen und Volkslieder, tr. F.H. Ungewitter (Leipzig, 1842);
For “Hildebrand and Hellelil,” Volkslieder der Schweden, tr. Gottlieb Mohnike (Berlin, 1830), I, 34-36; and Schwedische volkslieder der vorzeit, tr. R[oss] Warrens (Leipzig, 1857), pp.86-92;

[152]
                                                                                                                                 
(Continuation of note 4 on page 151)
For “Knight Aagen and Maiden Else,” Schwedische Volksharfe, tr. J.L/ Studach (Stockholm, 1826), pp. 101-104; Volkslieder, tr. Mohnike, pp. 39-40; Talvj, Versuch, pp. 313-314; and Schwedische Volkslieder, tr. Warrens, pp. 245-248;
For “The Mother under the Mold,” William and Mary Howitt, The Literature and Romance of Northern Europe (London, 1852), I, 272-274; Altschwedische Balladen, tr. Mohnike, pp. 124-125; Schwedische Volkslieder, tr. Warrens, pp. 224-227; and Alt-isländische Volks-Balladen und Heldenlieder der Färinger, tr. P.J. Willatzen (Bremen, 1865), pp. 56-58;
For “Agnes and the Hill-Man,” Foreign Quarterly Review, XXV (1840), 35-36; Thoms Keightler, The Fairy Mythology, pp. 103-108; New Monthly Magazine, CXXX )1864), 492-493; and Norwegische, Isländische, Färðische Volkslieder der vorzeit, tr. Rosa Warrens (hamburg, 1866), pp. 16-21;
And for “Axel Thordson and Fair Walborg,” Volkslieder,  tr. Mohnike, pp. 11-39.

  1. For a translation of “The Son’s Sorrow” before 1875, see Altisländische Volks-Balladen, tr. Willatzen, pp. 201-202.
  2. For earlier English, German, and French translations of the two Swedish ballads see the following works:

For “Den Lillas Testamene,” Howitt, Literature of Northern Europe, I, 265-266; Schwedische Volksharfe, tr. Studach, pp. 98-100; Volkslieder, tr. Mohnike, I, 5-6; Schwedische Volkslieder, tr. Warrens, pp. 213-215; and Chants Populaires, tr. Marmier, p. 215**; and
For “Herr Malmstens drőm,” Altschwedische Balladen, tr. Mohnike, pp. 149-150**; Schwedische Volkslieder, tr. Warrens, pp. 164-166**; and Chants Populaires, tr. Marmier, p. 214**.
The English and German translations of “Den Lillas Testamente,” I should like to point out, are based on the version of this ballad presented by Geijer and Afzelius in their Svenska Folk-Visor, III., 13-15 but Morris’s rendering, as I have already stated, follows the text in Arwidsson’s Svenska Fornsånger, II, 90-91.

[153]
                                                                                                                                 

  1. I have not seen the manuscript of the first of these ballad renderings, but in the holograph manuscript of the two Swedish folk songs now in the Ftzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, there is likewise no indication that they are translations, both pieces being simply headed “ballad”; for an account of this manuscript, see above, page 13.
  2. Dr. Litzenberg’s statement, in his article “William Morris and Scandinavian Literature: A Bibliographical Essay,” p. 96, that “The Mother under the Mold,” like “The Raven and the King’s Daughter” and “The King of Denmark’s Sons,” was “probably written in imitation of true Icelandic and Danish ballads which Morris translated about the same time…” is incorrect, for “The Mother under the Mold” is clearly, as I just stated above, a translation of a genuine Danish folk song.

[154]

                                                                                                                               

 
  1. (Boston and New York, 1882-1898), I, 151-157. See also Ibid., II, 498-499; Vi, 499; VIII, 449; IX, 208-209; and X, 286-287.
  2. Ibid., I, 155.

[155]
                                                                                                                                 

  1. In an Italian ballad the dying person bequeaths the key to his granary to his father; see G. Nerucci, “Storie e Cantari. Ninne-Nanne e Indvinelli del Montale,” in Archivio per lo studio delle Tradizioni Popolari Rivista Trimestrale, edd. G. Pitre and S. Salomone-Maríno (Palmero, 1882-1907), II, 527, 1.12.
  2. Svenska Fornsånger, edd. Arwidsson, II, 90.
  3. May Morris, William Morris, I, 517.

Please Note pg. 156 is missing

[157]
                                                                                                                                 

  1. English and Scottish Ballads, III, 204-206. See also Ibid., IV, 512; VI, 510; VIII, 471; IX, 225; and X, 294. For other references to parallels see Svenska Folk-Visor, edd. Geijer and Afzelius (2nd ed,; Stockholm, 1880), II, 283-284 and Danmarks Gamle Folkeviser, ed. Grundtvig, V, 352. I have examined all the ballad versions referred to above in the text except the two contained in Kaarle Krohn’s Die geographische Verbreitung estnischer Lieder (Kuoplo, 1892) and Frederich H. Bothe’s Frühlings-Almanach (Berlin, 1804), for these works I have not been able to locate in the Harvard College Library, the Boston Public Library, or the Library of Congress.

In addition to the parallels to which I refer above in the text, Child mentions a few other ballads which show a partial resemblance to “Lord Lovel.”

  1. Svenska Folk-Visor, III, 104.

[158]
                                                                                                                                 

  1. Morris: Artist Writer Socialist, I, 518.
  2. Svenska Folk-Visor, III, 105.
  3. Morris: Artist Writer Socialist, I, 518.
  4. Svenska Folk-Visor, III, 105.
  5. Morris: Artist Writer Socialist, I, 518.
  6. The question of the authorship of these ballad translations has never been fully investigated, and I therefore feel justified in examining as carefully as possible all the evidence available.

[159]
                                                                                                                                  

  1. Collected Works, IX, xxxvii.
  2. Ibid., IX, xxviii.
  3. See Ibid., XXII, xiv.

[160]
                                                                                                                                 

  1. The only saga-translation Morris ever published bearing his name only was that of the Friðpiofs saga (see below, pp. 176-179).
  2. In a letter now deposited in the Library of the University of Cambridge, England (Add 6581, No. 263), Magnússon says, in the course of describing his education and scholarly productions, that contributions “to various literary Journals in Germany, Denmark, Norway and Sweden I merely mention in passing, because I write & speak all these languages with facility.”
  3. For the title of this work, see above, p.41.

[161]
                                                                                                                                 

  1. Danmarks Folkeviser, ed. Grundtvig, II, 53, col.1, Version C, 1.12.
  2. Collected Works, Ix, 208, 1.9.
  3. Danish Ballads, III, 336, 1.3.
  4. Danmarks Folkeviser, II, 53.
  5. Collected Works, IX, 208.

[162]

                                                                                                                                 

 
  1. Danish Ballads, III, 336.
  2. See above, p.150, n.4, for a list of these translations. Those that are there single-starred are based on the text in Tragica; those that are double-starred follow the text in Danske Viser, the basis of Morris’s rendering. The version in Tragica, I should like to point out, was reprinted by Grundtvig as text in his Danmarks Folkeviser, I, 300-304.
  3. III, 9.
  4. Danmarks Folkeviser, ed. Grundtvig, I, 301.
  5. Collected Works, IX, 217.
  6. XLV (1852), 657.

[163]
                                                                                                                                 

  1. Altdänische Heldenlieder, p. 96.
  2. I should like to point out here that I have found that the Old Danish Ballads published anonymously in 1856 and described as having been male “by an Amateur” were almost certainly the work of R. C. Alexander Prior, who for four years later published three volumes of Ancient Danish Ballads; I shall therefore in the following discussion refer to Prior as the author of both works.
  3. Page 37.
  4. I, 221.
  5. Chants Populaires, p. 151.
  6. Auswahl altdánischer Heldenlieder, p. 106.

[164]

                                                                                                                                 

  1. III, 11.
  2. Danmarks Folkeviser, ed. Grundtvig, I, 302.
  3. Collected Works, IX, 219.
  4. See Altdänische Heldenlieder, tr. Grimm, p. 97, 1.14; Auswahl altdänischer Heldenlieder, tr. Sander, p. 109, 11.3-4; and Chants Populaires, tr. Marmier, p. 151, 1.32-152, 1.2. I should like to point out here that although Morris’s and Sander’s translations agree in the two passages from “Hafbur and Signy” already discussed and also in the passage about to be treated, they differ in several other cases, so that there is no reason for supposing that Morris was following this version for differences, see, for example, Collected Works, IX, 213, 1.28 and Auswahl, p. 99, 1.1; Collected Works, IX, 214, 1.2 and Auswahl, p. 99, 1.2; and Collected Works, IX, 214, 1.26 and Auswahl, p. 100, 11.13-14.
  5. Old Danish Ballads p. 40 and Ancient Danish Ballads I, 221.

[165]
                                                                                                                                 

 
  1. For the six previous translations with which Morris’s may be compared, see above, on p. 151, the continuations of n.4 on p. 150. Those that are double-starred follow, like Morris’s, the text in Danske Viser; those that are single-starred are based on Peder Syv’s text, which is reprinted in Danmarks Folkeviser, ed. Grundtvig, II, 480-481, No. 89B.
  2. Danske Viser, I, 207. These lines are almost exactly the same in the other text; see Danmarks Folkeviser, ed. Grundtvig, II,480, col. 2, 11.3-4.
  3. Collected Works, XXIV, 353.
  4. I (1820), 398.
  5. Scott, Poetical Works, VIII, 337.
  6. XLV (1852), 654.

[166]
                                                                                                                                 

  1. I, 369.
  2. Complete Poetical Works, p. 283.
  3. Page 24.
  4. See von Jacob, Versuch einer geschichtlichen Charakteristik, p. 238, 1.15; Dänische Volkslieder, tr. Binzer, p. 20, 1.3; and Dänische Volkslieder, tr. Warrens, p. 186, 11.13 and 16.
  5. Altdänische Heldenlieder, p. 148, 1.13 and Chants Populaires, p. 109

[167]
                                                                                                                                                           

  1. Danmarks Folkeviser, II, 53.
  2. Collected Works, IX, 209.
  3. Ancient Danish Ballads, III, 337.
  4. Danske Viser, I, 210.

[168]
                                                                                                                                                                                                  

  1. Collected Works, IX, 210.
  2. See Romantic Ballads, tr. Sorrow, p. 48, 11.1-4; Foreign Quarterly Review, VI (1830), 62, col. 1, stanza 3; Danish Ballads, tr. Prior, III, 82, 11.5-8; New Monthly Magazine, CXXXI (1864), 42, 11.23-24; Fortnightly Review, I (1865), 693, 11.40-43; Ballad Stories, tr. Buchanan, p. 112, 11.10-13; Auswahl altdänischer Heldenlieder, tr. Sander, p. 41, 11.10-13; and Chants Populaires, tr. Marmier, p. 134, 11.17-18. I should like to point out that although I have listed eight translations here, I referred above to only seven because Buchanan’s version in the Fortnightly Review is almost identical with the one in his Ballad Stories.
  3. Danske Viser, I, 211.
  4. Collected Works, IX, 211.
  5. See Romantic Ballads, tr. Borrow, p. 49, 11.7-8; Foreign Quarterly Review, Vi (1830), 63, col. 1, stanza 9; Danish Ballads, tr. Prior, III, 83, 11.5-6; New Monthly Magazine, CXXXI (1864), 694, 11.17-18; Ballad Stories, tr. Buchanan, p. 114, 11.1-2; Auswahl altdänischer Heldenlieder, tr. Sander, p. 40, ….

[169]                                                                                                                                                            

 
  1. Danske Viser, edd. Abrahamson, Nyerup, and Rahbek, III, 5.
  2. Collected Works, IX, 214.
  3. See Fraser’s Magazine, XLV (1852), 656, col. 2, 11.21-22; Danish Ballads, by an Amateur, p. 32, 11.5-6; Danish Ballads, tr. Prior, I, 218, 11.9-10; Altdänische Heldenlieder, tr. Grimm, p. 94, 1.7; Auswahl altdänischer Heldenlieder, tr. Sander, p. 100, 11.13-14; and Chants Populaires, tr. Marmier, p. 149, 11.8-9.
  4. Chants Populaires, p. 215.
  5. With only one exception: Marmier (in Chants Populaires, p. 214) renders the Swedish

Han lyfte så lätt under båre-stång
as “et va se placer près du cereueil.” For the passages in Morris and in the translations see the following works: Morris: Artists Writer Socialist, I, 518, 1.4, 11.11-12, and 11.13-14; Altschwedische Balladen, tr. Mohnke, p. 149. 1.15 and p. 150, 11.3-4 and 11.5-6; Schwedische Volkelieder ….

[170]                                                                                                                                  

  1. Danske Viser, edd. Abrahamson, Nyerup, and Rahbek, III, 354.
  2. Collected Works, IX, 203.

[171]
                                                                                                                                 

  1. Danske Viser, edd. Abrahamson, Nyerup, and Rahbek, III, 5.
  2. Collected Works, IX, 214.
  3. Danske Viser, III, 8.
  4. Collected Works, IX, 217.
  5. Danske Viser, III, 13.
  6. Collected Works, IX, 220.
  7. The three translations in which this phrase is rendered correctly are Fraser’s Magazine, XLV (1852), 654, col. 1, 1.32; Dänische Volkslieder, tr. Binzer, p. 20, 1.6; and Dänische Volkslieder, tr. Warrens, p. 187, 1.2.

[172]

                                                                                                                                

 
  1. Danske Viser, I, 207.
  2. Note was cut off from the bottom of the original printed out page.

[173]

 

                                                                                                                                                                                   

  1. Collected Works, IX, 208.
  2. Danske Viser, edd. Abrahamson, Nyerup, and Rahbek, III, 353.
  3. Collected Works, IX, 203.
  4. Note has been cut off from the original printed page.

[174]

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                  

 
  1. LI (1855), 89.
  2. Danske Viser, III, 356.
  3. Collected Works, IX, 204.
  4. Ballad Stories, p. 18.
  5. Fraser’s Magazine, LI (1855), 89.
  6. Danske Viser, I, 210.
  7. Collected Works, IX, 210.
  8. Page 48.

[175]
                                                                                                                                 

  1. I (1871), 42-58 and 176-182.
  2. For a discussion of this volume, see below, pp. 192-196.

Pages 61-100. According to Islandica, V (1912), 13, there were five texts available to Morris in 1871: Nordiska Kampa Dater, ed. Bjőrner, No. 6; Fornaldar Sőgur Nordrlanda, II, 61-100; Ibid., II, 488-503; F. E. C. Dietrich, Altnordisches Lesebuch (Leipzig, 1843), pp. 116-130; and Hermann Lűning, Altnordische Texte (Zűrich, 1859), pp. 6-21. The text given in Fornaldar Sőgur, II, 488-503 is that of the shorter older form of the saga; the other four versions are of the longer recension. The texts in Fornaldar Sőgur, I, 61-106, in Dietrich’s Altnordisches Lesebuch, and in Lűning’s Altnordische Texte are practically identical, and any of them could have been the… (Note cut off from bottom of page).

[176]

  1. See below, p. 1000.
  2. The following mistranslations in the Dark Blue are corrected in the Three Northern Love Stories: “Hall of the Gods” (in the Dark Blue, I, 47, 11.18-19, 47, 1.33, and 56, 1.37; Collected Works, X, 54, 1.24, 55, 11.4-5, and 68, 11.10-11; and Fornaldar Sőgur, II, 70, 11.20-21, 71, 1.6, and 86, 11.2-3);     “‘Go, Thief, get thee some other harbor than in our guest hall’” (in the Dark Blue, I, 178, 11.19-20; Collected Works, X, 74, 11.12-13; and Fornaldar Sőgur, II, 93, 11.5-6); and “‘…give him a goodly mantle, and be kind to him…’’ (in the Dark Blue, I, 178, 1.36; Collected Works, X, 74, 1.31; and Fornaldar Sőgur, II, 93, 11.23-24). Throughout the version in the Dark Blue Morris incorrectly designates Frithiof’s home as “Sogni” instead of “Sogn.”

[177]

  1. As examples of changes introducing more literal translations see the following passages: Dark Blue, I, 48, 11.35-36: Collected Works, X, 56, 1.20: and Fornaldar Sőgur, II, 72, 1.25; Dark Blue, I, 49, 11.3-4: Collected Works, X, 56, 1.32 – 57, 1.1: and Fornaldar Sőgur, II, 73, 11.8-11; and Dark Blue, I, 49, 1.13: Collected Works, X, 57, 1.10: and Fornaldar Sőgur, II, 73, 11.20-21.
  2. Esaias Tegnér, Frithiof’s Saga, A Legend of the North, tr. G[eorge] S[tephens] )Stockholm and London, 1839), pp. 1-39.
  3. Page 82. The name “Stevenson’s” is evidently a mistake for “Stephens’s.”

[178]

  1. Frithiof’s Saga, tr. Stephens, p. 2.
  2. As examples of such differences see the following passages: Frithiof’s Saga, tr. Stephens, p. 6, 11.11-12: Dark Blue, I, 44, 11.22-23: Kämpa Dater, No. 6, p.5, col. 1,11.14-15; and Fornaldar Sőgur, II, 66, 1.12; Frithiof’s Saga, tr. Stephens, p.9, 11.4-5: Dark Blue, I, 46, 11.15-16: Kämpa Dater, No. 6, p. 9, col. 1, 11.7-9: and Fornaldar Sőgur, II, 69, 11.8-9; and Frithiof’s Saga, tr. Stephens, p. 9, 1.9: Dark Blue, I, 46, 11.20-21: Kämpa Dater, No. 6, p. 9, col. 1, 11.14-15: and Fornaldar Sőgur, II, 69, 11.13-14.
  3. For examples of cases in which Stephens is more exact, see the following passages: Frithiof’s Saga, tr. Stephens, p. 14, 11.26-27: Dark Blue, I, 50, 11.1-2: Kämpa Dater, No. 6, p. 15, col. 1, 11.29-31: and Fornaldar Sőgur, II, 75, 11.1-2; Frithiof’s Saga, tr. Stephens, p. 14, 11.28-29: Dark Blue, I, 50, 11.3-4: Kämpa Dater, No. 6, p. 15, 11.31-33: and Fornaldar Sőgur, II, 75, 11.3-4; and Frithiof’s Saga, tr. Stephens, p. 17, 11.4-12: Dark Blue, I, 51, 11.22-30: Kämpa Dater, No. 6, p. 18, col. 1, 11.23-33: and Fornaldar Sőgur, II, 77, 11.16-25. For examples of cases in which Morris is more exact than Stephens, see the following passages: Frithiof’s Saga, tr. Stephens, p. 16, 11.3-4: Dark Blue, I, 50, 1.41: Kämpa Dater, No. 6, p. 17, col. 1, 11.15-16: and Fornaldar Sőgur, II, 76, 11.13-14; and Frithiof’s Saga, tr. Stephens, p. 19, 11.20-21: Dark Blue, I, 53, 1.7: Kämpa Dater, No. 6, p. 17, col. 1, 1.22: and Fornaldar Sőgur, Ii, 80, 1.10.
  4. For a list of these translations, see Islandica, V (1912).

[179]

  1. I, 42.
  2. See above, pp. 9 and 109.

[180]

  1. This manuscript, measuring 16 1/8 by 10 3/8 inches, is bound in three-quarters light green leather. On the cover we find in gilt the following words: “The Story of Kormak the Son of Ogmund, Hafbur and Signy. And Fragments of Frithiof the Bold and Heimskringla,” The back bears the words “MS. Wm Morris.” On the recto of the first of the two flyleaves we find the following note in the hand of Sir Sydney Cockerell”

“An unpublished translation by William Morris of the Saga of Kormak son of Ogmund, written out by him and given to me after his death by Mrs. Morris. It is uniform with a manuscript of the Frithiof Saga belonging (1898) to Mr. C. Fairfax Murray, of which two waste leaves are bound at the end of this volume – the Frithiof MS was sold at Sotheby’s 7 July 1919, with added decoration by Luoise Lessore and gilding by Graily Hewitt.
“The paper on which everything in this volume is written bears a watermark dated 1870 and the date of the skript[sic] is not later than 1871.”
The pages bearing the writing are divided into two columns. Each sheet is numbered only once. “The Story of Kormak the Son of

[181]

(Continuation of note 1, page 180)        Ogmund” runs from page 1to the top of the first column on the verso of page 21. Page 22 is blank. On the recto of page 23 we find Chapter I and part of Chapter II of the Heimskringla; the verso of this sheet is left blank. On page 24 Morris has written out part of his translation of “Hafbur og Signy”; the writing covers the recto, and ends in the middle of the first column on the verso. On pages 25 and 26 we find a fragment of Morris’s rendering of the Friðpjófs saga. The passage opens with the words ‘forked beam, and ran into the prow” from Chapter VI; it runs from the top of the first column on the verso recto of page 25 to the bottom of the second column on the verso of page 26, ending with the following two lines of Visa III in Chapter IX:
“That Biorn and I
Betwixt us have borne….”
At the bottom of the inside of the back cover is written the note “Bound by Douglas Cockerell,” and below this is stamped “1898.”

  1. See below, page 182, note 2.

[182]

  1. Mackail, William Morris, I, 291.
  2. This manuscript measures 16 1/8 by 10 ¼ inches. It is bound in three-quarters brown leather. The front cover bears the following words in gilt: “Fragments Translated Written Out and Decorated by William Morris from Lancelot de Lac The Saga of Howard the Halt The Heimskringla etc.” On the inside of the front cover there is pasted a slip of paper bearing the words “From the Library of Emery Walker No. III The Terrace Hammersmith.”

There are five flyleaves. The pages bearing the writing are divided into two columns. The translation of the “Lancelot du Lac” runs from page 1 to the bottom of the first column on the recto of page 8. In this part of the manuscript each sheet is numbered only once. Pages 9 and 10 are blank. The rendering of

[183]

(Continuation of note 2 on page 182)               the Hávarðar saga begins on page 11, and extends to the top of the first column on the recto of page 19; in other words, it covers 16 ¼ pages, with two columns on a page with 40 lines in a full column. The next page is left blank. From this point on, the pages are numbered on both sides in the regular way, and the numbering begins anew. The translation of the Heimskringla comes next, running from page 1 to the bottom of the first column on page 19. The next page contains a portion of the Kormáks saga rendering. Then are inserted a few pages covered with decorations but no writing. Finally, there is a vellum leaf containing part of the Rubáiyát of Omar Khayyám.
At the bottom of the inside of the back cover we find the date “1902.”
Throughout the manuscript, those pages that bear a watermark are dated 1870.

  1. These pages measure 9 ¾ by 8 ½ inches. For a reproduction of two of them, see below, pp. 968 and 970.

[184]

  1. Mackail, William Morris, I, 300.

[185]

  1. This manuscript, measuring 10 by 7 ¾ inches, is bound in three-quarters light brown leather. The front cover bears the title “The Story of Hen Thorir The Story of the Banded-Men The Story of Haward the Halt Translated and Engrossed by William Morris.” On the back are the words “Icelandic Stories.” On the inside of the front cover is pasted a slip bearing the statement “Fitzwilliam Museum Cambridge Presented by Lady Burne-Jones 1909.” The two flyleaves at the beginning are blank.

“The Story of Hen Thorir” begins on page 1 and extends to page 56. Page 57 is left blank. “The Story of the Banded-Men” runs from page 58 to page 131. Page 132 is left blank. “The Story of Haward the Halt” begins on page 133 and ends in the middle of page 240. Pages 241, 242, 243, and 244 contain “A gloss in rhyme on the story of Haward, by William Morris.” Morris seems to have originally intended to form a separate book out of the last of these three sagas, “The Story of Haward the Halt,” for in this tale the page numbering originally began with “1”; when the work was incorporated in the larger manuscript, the pages were renumbered, but the last page of the “Gloss,” which should be page 244, has only the original number 112.
On the first of the two flyleaves at the end we find the followings note in ink:
“The three Stories in this book were translated from the Icelandic by William Morris and Eíríkr Magnússon. They were written out, and all the illuminated letters were designed and painted, by William Morris, about the year 1873. He then gave the book to me, and I now give it to the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, in memory of him.
Georgiana Burne-Jones. Sep:18:1909.”
Underneath is written in pencil, apparently in the hand of Sir Sydney Cockerell, “A letter to Mr. C. Fairfax Murray shows that this book was finished in February 1874.”

  1. See below, p. 352. I should also like to point out that other illuminated manuscripts of two of these tales still exist, but these books do not throw any further light on the date of the translations. At the time of her death Miss May Morris possessed a copy of “The Story of the Banded-Men,” in which the whole saga is written out but only a very small part of the illuminating is completed. The Sir Emery Walker manuscript which I have already mentioned (see above, p. 182, n.2) contains a little over sixteen pages of “The Story of Howard the Halt,” covering almost nine chapters of the tale. Neither manuscript is dated; in the first one the paper is marked 1869 and in the other it is stamped 1870.

[186]

  1. See aboc, p. 41, and Einarsson’s “Eirikr Magnússon and his Saga-Translations,” p. 21.
  2. “G…” evidently stands for Gunnlaugs saga.
  3. These two sentences are taken from an excerpt given in a description of five Morris letters in English Literature of the 19th & 20th Centuries. No. 511 (London: Maggie Brothers, 1928), p. 263, item 1515.

[187]

  1. In quoting this passage I have departed from the manuscript in capitalizing the first word in 11. 2, 4, 6, 7, and 9 and in inserting a comma after “told” in 1. 1 and a period after “day: in 1. 12.
  2. These pages are bound in a book measuring 8 ¾ by 8 inches. The main part of the book consists of the beginning of a catalogue of Morris’s library; this catalogue, a note in Cockerell’s hand on the inside of the front cover points out, was “probably made about 1890.” For an account of a more complete catalogue of Morris’s books, see below, pp. 345-346.
  3. See Jonsson’s Den Oldnorske og Oldislandske Lietteraturs Historie, II, 541, and Islandica, I (1908), 42.

[188]

  1. According to Islandica, I (1908), 42, there were four texts of this “páttr” available in 1874: Saga Ólafs Tryggvasonar (Skálaholt, 1689), II.315-321; Fornmanna Sőgur (Copenhagen, 1825-1837), III, 152-174; Flateyjarbók (Christiania, 1860-1868), I, 506-511; and ibid., III, 428-431.
  2. The following passages in this version, for example, differ from the corresponding passages in the three other texts, and in these cases Morris followed the others: III, 428, 11.26-28, 33-34, and 36; and 429, 11.10-11.
  3. On p.316, col. 1, 11.20-21, this edition has “Dotter Hakonar Jaris,” but the texts in Fornmanna Sőgur and in Flateyjarbók, I, have “dóttir Hákonar jaris illa” and “dotter Hakonar jalls illa” and Morris has “daughter of Earl Hakon the Evil.”
  4. His use of the form “Haldor” points to the Fornmanna Sőgur, for this edition spells the name with on “l” but the Flateyjarbók, I, 506-511, has “Halldorr.”

[189]

  1. This manuscript, measuring 7 ¾ by 9 ¾ inches, is bound in three-quarters dark brown leather. The front cover bears the following title, in gilt letters: “Some Chapters of the Story of the Men of Weaponfirth with other Fragments of Manuscript and Decoration by William Morris.” On the inside of the front cover is pasted a slip with the words “From the Library of Emery Walker No. III The Terrace Hammersmith.” The five flyleaves are blank.

“The Story of the Men of Weaponfirth” runs from page 1 to the bottom of page 18, with 16 lines on each page. Next come 3 blank pages, and then are inserted 3 small vellum leaves on which Morris has written out a fragment of a Latin poem. This piece is followed by 4 more blank pages, and then another page is inserted, this one bearing short English and Latin sentences, evidently written out as trials. The come a few other fragments, and finally 3 more blank leaves. At the bottom of the back cover is imprinted the date “1902.” None of the pages in the book have dated watermarks.

  1. V, 1-32.
  2. See above, page 184.
  3. See below, pages 356-357.

[190]

  1. See May Morris, William Morris, I, 470 and II, 611.
  2. I, 564-636. These forty chapters constitute about one-third of the whole saga. At his death in 1896 Morris possessed two editions of the Egils saga – namely, Egils-saga, sive Egilli Skallagrimii vita (Copenhagen, 1809) and Sagan af Agli Skallagríms-syhi, ed. Einar Pórðarson (Reykjavík, 1856); see below, page 1001. The differences between the two are few and very unimportant, but they seem to indicate that in the main, at least, Morris was following words or passages in this text with the corresponding passages in Morris’s translation and in the 1809 edition: p. 1, 1.5(“Hrafnistu”), 1.7(í pann tíma í landinu”), 1.15 (“Őlvir”), p.2, 1.18 (“Őlvir”), 1.29 ( “pórir”), and p.3, 11.2 and 5 (“Őlvir”). Note, however, that in the heading of Chapter II, Morris uses “Aulvir,” as the 1809 edition does.
  3. See below, pages 223, 226, and 227, and accompanying notes. I should also like to point out here that according to Dr. Einarsson (in his “Eiríkr Magnússon and hi Saga-Translations,” p.21), Magnússon and Powell had planned to produce an English version of this saga also, but as in the case of the rendering of the Hávarðar saga, although Magnússon supplied Powell with a literal draft, the latter never completed his revision of Magnússon’s work so that it could be published. The fact that Magnússon had prepared a translation of the Egils saga before he met Morris makes it likely that he handed this rendering over to Morris and that Morris began working on this saga at an early date.

[191]

  1. I should like to point out here that there is reason to believe that Morris translated still other sagas, although here again we do not know whether, if he did read them, he did so now or in the period 1889 to 1896, when he resumed his translation work after a lapse of some twelve years in the Catalogue of a portion of the Valuable Collection of Manuscripts, Early Printed Books, &c. of the late William Morris, of Kelmscott House, Hammersmith, which will be sold by Auction, by Messrs. Sotheby, Wilkinson & Hodge on Monday, the 5th of December, 1898, and Five Following Days, Item 848 on page 84 is described as follows:

“Saga. Islendinga Sogur udgivne eptir gamle Haandskrifter af det kngelige nordiske Oldskrift-selskab (some Ms. Slips of translations and notes by Wm Morris in vol II), 2 vol. green morocco gilt, y. e.
Kiobenhavn, 1843-47”
Morris’s copy of this collection of sagas is mentioned twice in the Book-Auction Records, I, Pt. 1 (1902-1903), 281 and II (1904-1905), 288; in Volume I the following account of it is given: “Islandinga[sic] Sőgur, the second volume containing throughout marginal translations and notes Morris, and 15 foolscap leaves of paper containing translations in the hands of Erikr Magnusson and Morris, mor., 2 v., 1843.” According to the reference in Volume II of the Book-Auction Records -  the latest mention of the work that I have been able to find -, these two volumes were sold March 22, 1905 to “Cockerell.” I have unfortunately not been able to locate this purchase; Sir Sydney Cockerell has informed me that it was not he who bought the set, and has told me that he knows nothing about it.
Volume Two of Islendinga Sőgur contains the following sagas: Harðar Saga Grímkelssonar Ok Geirs, Ha͜ensa-póris, Sagan af Hrafni Ok Gunnlaugi Ormstúngu, Saga af Víga-Styr Ok Heiðarvígum, Kjalnesínga-Saga, and Viðba͜etir: páttr af Jőkli Bússyni, Harðar Saga Grímkelssonar (Brot), Orð ok Talsha͜ettir úr Sőgubroti af Víga-Styr Ok Heiðarvígum, and Griðamál ok Trygðamál. The second, third, and fourth of these sagas Morris translated and published, in each case basing his rendering on the text in this volume (see above, pp.52, 184-185, and below pp. 354 and 357); if the description in the Book-Auction Records is correct and there are marginal translations and notes throughout the volume, Morris must have turned the other sagas into English also, although these renderings were never printed and nothing whatsoever is known about them.

[192]

  1. See Forman, Books of Morris, p. 82. As I have already pointed out, these tales had been translated by the end of 1873 (see above, p. 184).
  2. See above, p. 52 and p. 175.
  3. See above, pp. 53 and 176 and the Athena͜eum, No, 2690(May 17, 1879), pp. 632-633.
  4. According to Islandica, I(1908), 105-106, there were two editions of this saga available in 1873: Nockrer Marg-Frooder Søgu-pa͜etter Islendinga, pp. 15-33 and 187-188 and Nordiske Oldskrifter, XXVII, 47-92. A comparison of the following passages in Nordiske Oldskrifter with the corresponding passages in the other edition and in Morris’s translation shows definitely that Morris was following the text in Nordiske Oldskrifter: XXVII, 47, 11.3, 10, 12-13, 15, and 19-20 and 48, 11.5-6 and 9-11. This book was in Morris’s library at his death (see below, p. 1000).
  5. Collected Works, X, 98-99.

[193]

  1. See Collected Works, VIII, 151.
  2. According to Islandica, V(1912), 41, there were four editions of this work available to Morris in 1873: Saga Olafs Tryggvasonar (Skalaholt, 1689), II, 49-58; Sagan af Heidini of Hogna. – Historia duorum regum Hedini et Hugonis, ex antiqua Lingua Norvegica. Per Dn. Ionam Gudmundi in Latinum translate [Upsala, 1697]; Fornaldar Sőgur, I, 389-407; and Flateyjarbók, I, 275-283. The second of these four editions I have not had an opportunity to examine; however, since it was not in Morris’s library at his death and is an extremely rare work, it is very unlikely that he used it. A comparison of the other three texts with Morris’s translation shows that Morris almost certainly did not base his rendering on the 1689 edition and very likely did not follow the text in the Flateyjarbók. Compare, for example, the following passages in Fornaldar Sőgur with the corresponding passages in the other two editions and in Morris’s translation: I, 394, 11.14 and 22; 395, 11.2, 4, 13, 17, and 22; 397, 11.4 and 16; 399, 1.27; and 400, 1.2. All of these works except the 1697 edition were in Morris’s library at his death (see below, pp. 1000 and 1002).
  3. According to Islandica, III(1910), 32, there were two editions available in 1873: Fornmanna Sőgur, V, 252-266 and Flateyjarbók, Ii, 73-80. It is impossible to determine definitely which text Morris used, but it seems somewhat more likely that he followed the version in Fornmanna Sőgur. Compare, for example, the following passages in Fornmanna Sőgur with the corresponding passages in the Flateyjarbók and in Morris’s translation: V, 258, 1.13 and 261, 1.23. Both editions were in Morris’s library.

[194]

  1. V, 48-56. See Islandica, I(1908), 116.
  2. See Islandica, I(1908), 106 and 117; III(1910), 32; V(1912), 41; and XXIV(1935), 72 and 75.
  3. See, for example, the Saturday Review, XL(1875), 90.
  4. See the Spectator, XLVIII2(1875), 1068-1069.

[195]

  1. Academy, VIII(1875), 54.
  2. Ibid., VIII, 54-55.
  3. Ibid., VIII, 55. See also the Athena͜eum, No. 2490(July 17, 1875), 75.

[197]

  1. Mackail, William Morris, I, 291.
  2. Morris gave the copy which he made of the first diary to Lady Burne-Jones; in 1922 her son and daughter, Sir Philip Burne-Jones and Mrs. Mackail, presented the book to the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, where it is now deposited.

[198]

  1. Collected Works, VIII, 97.
  2. Ibid., VIII, 102.
  3. Ibid., VIII, 118.
  4. Ibid., VIII, 124-125. For further passages revealing Morris’s intimate knowledge of the sagas see ibid., VIII, 62, 11.17-21; 85, 11.29-31; 135, 11.23-24; 194, 11.1-2; and 196, 11.24-25.

[199]

  1. Collected Works, VIII, 96.
  2. Ibid., VIII,  154.
  3. Ibid., VIII, 90-91.
  4. Ibid., VIII, 90, note 1.
  5. Ibid., VIII, 94.

[200]

  1. Collected Works, VIII, 97.
  2. Ibid., VIII, 111. See also ibid., VIII, 141, 11.2-5.

[201]

  1. Collected Works, VIII, 77.
  2. Ibid., VIII, 149.
  3. Ibid., VIII, 166.
  4. Ibid., VIII, 168.

[202]

  1. Collected Works, VIII, 207.
  2. Mackail, William Morris, I, 295. For further references to Iceland in letters of Morris, see Collected Works, XI, xvii, 11.30-31; XII, vii, 11.27-29, xi, 11.5-8, and xvi, 1.14; XVIII, xxxv, 11.20-21; and XXIII, xvii, 11.5-14.
  3. See Collected Works, IX, 125-126 and 179.
  4. I, 462-464.

[203]

  1. In the case of the third poem Miss Morris notes that the handwriting likewise places it in this period; she says it is “written in the fine script of the seventies….” (in her William Morris, I, 462).
  2. Collected Works, IX, 125-126.
  3. Ibid., VIII, 19-20.
  4. Ibid., IX, 179.

[204]

  1. Collected Works, IX, 179.
  2. Tr. Dasent, I, 248-251.
  3. Collected Works, VIII, 46-49.

[205]

  1. Collected Works, VIII, 49.
  2. See ibid., VIII, 198 and 207.
  3. May Morris, William Morris, I, 462-464.
  4. The printed text has “Skarfhedinn” for “Skarphedinn”; this mistake is evidently due to a misreading of the manuscript, for it is difficult to believe that Morris himself could have made such an error.

[206]

  1. See above, page 43.
  2. William Morris, I, 462-463.
  3. These three poems are “The Raven and the King’s Daughter” (in Collected Works, IX, 127-131), “Of the Wooing of Hallbiorn the Strong” (ibid., IX, 95-102), and “ The King of Denmark’s Sons” (ibid., IX, 140-145).
  4. See ibid., IX, xxxv.

[207]

  1. See, for example, Collected Works, IX, xxxv.
  2. Only one, “The King of Denmark’s Sons,” is printed, like a ballad, in stanzas; in the other two the double refrain is printed at the beginning and end of each section, but otherwise the lines are printed without any stanzaic division, just as on a page of octosyllabic couplets.

[208]

 1.     In the case of the ballad translations I discussed above, Morris stated at the head of each poem that it was a rendering; the absence of such a statement in the case of the three pieces I am now discussing is a fairly reliable indication that they are note translations.

[209]

1.     See, for example, English and Scottish Popular Ballads, ed. Child, II, 356-367, III, 8, IV, 411-412 and 482-484, and, for further references to English ballads, X, 471, under the heading “Birds”; Danmarks Gamle Folkeviser, ed. Grundtvig, II, 180-189 and 199-201; Svenska Folk-Visor, edd. Geijer and Afzelius, II, 195-200; Norske Folkeviser, ed. Landstad, pp. 508-519; and Íslenzk Fornkva͜eði, edd. Grundtvig and Sigurðsson, I, 38-51 and III, 2-11.

2.     I should like to point out that in one Scandinavian ballad we actually do meet with an imprisoned girl who seeks aid by means of a raven’ the rest of the story is entirely different from Morris’s poem, but this ballad is the only one of the Scandinavian and English folk songs, to the best of my knowledge, in which these two incidents are combined. For versions of this ballad see Danmarks Folkeviser, ed. Grundtvig, Ii, 199-201; Svenska Folk-Visor, edd. Geijer and Afzelius, II, 195-200; and Íslenzk Fornkva͜eði, edd. Grundtvig and Sigurðsson, I, 38-52.

3.     See, for example, Svenska Folk-Visor, edd. Geijer and Afzelius, I, 54-55, 71-72, 98-100, 106, 109, 146 and III, 106 and Danske Viser, edd. Abrahamson, Nyerup, and Rahbek, III, 35 and 46.

4.     Collected Works, IX, 127.

 [210]

1.     I, 110 and III, 55.
2.     See above, page 150.
3.     Collected Works, IX, 95-102. The exact reference to the Landnámabók is Part II, Chapter XXX.


[211]

1. See, for example, Collected Works, VII, 33, 11.3 and 4; 112, 11.4 and 32; and 143, 11.2-25; and ibid., IX, 12, 1.33 and 117, 1.34.


[212]

1. “Őlvusá” is mentioned in the Landnámabók (Copenhagen, 1774), pp. 17 and 18, and the name “Skjaldbreið” is found in the Grettis saga (in Collected Works, VII, 153). Both places are referred to in the Introduction to Dasent’s translation of the Njáls saga also (see I, liii, liv, lxix, and lxxiii).

2. See, for example, Collected Works, VIII, 33, 34, 35, 65, 74, 75, 76, 154, 157 and 158. He does not mention Oxridges, although the part must have passed very close to this mountain (see ibid., VIII, 165-166).

[213]


1. See Collected Works, IX, 95, 11.-7; and ibid., VIII, 154, 1.19 and 240, 11.30-35.
2. Ibid., IX, 95.
3. Svenska Folk-Visor, edd. Geijer and Afzelius, III, 21.
4. Ibid., III, 118.
5. Ibid., III, 119.
6. Svenska Fornsånger, ed. Arwidsson, I, 305.
7. Íslenzk Fornkva͜eði, edd. Grundtvig and Sigurðsson, IV, 237.
8. See Collected Works, IX, 140-145.



[214]

1. Collected Works, IX, 145.

[215]
1. Fornmanna Sőgur, I, 116-119.
2. Historia Danica (Copenhagen, 1839-1858), I, 473-474.
3. (Copenhagen, 1821-1826), I, Part C, 149-151.
4. See, for example, Frederik Barfod, Ledetraad i Danmarks Historie (Copenhagen, 1859), p. 23 and Carl F. Allen, Haandbog i Fa͜edrelandets Historie (8th ed.; Copenhagen, 1881), p.61.
5. Jómsvíkingasaga ok Knytlínga með Tilheyrandi páttum (Copenhagen, 1828), pp. 8 and 14-17.
 
[216]
1. Trifolium Historicum Seu Dissertatio Historico-Chronologico-Critica, de tribus potentissimis Dania͜e Regibus Gormo Granda͜evo, Haraldo Ca͜erulidente, & Sveno Furcata͜e (seu Admorsa͜e) Barba͜e (Copenhagen, 1707), pp. 5 and 12-14.
2. Histoire de Dannemarc, Avant et Depuis L’Establissement de la Monarchie (Amsterdam, 1730), II, 48-49 and 51-53.
3. Collected Works, IX, 140.

[217]
1. Svenska Fornsånger, ed. Arwidsson, I, 305.
2. Ibid., I, 288.
3. Danmarks Folkeviser, ed. Grundtvig, V, Pt. II, 90.
4. I, 462.

[218]
1. See below, pages 304 ff.
2. The second stanza, evidently as a result of mere oversight, has only six lines.
3. May Morris, William Morris, I, 464-465.
4. Ibid., I, 465.

[219]
1. May Morris, op. cit., I, 465.
2. See Saga Library, III, 111-113 and 117.
3. Collected Works, XXIV, 329-342.

[220]
1. Collected Works, XXIV, 336.
2. Ibid., XXIV, 333, 1.13.

[221]
1. Collected Works, XXIV, 336, 11.14-15.
2. Ibid., XXIV, 331, 11.3-4.
3. See Heimskringla, tr. Laing, I, 292-294 and Mallet’s Northern Antiquities, pp. 183-186.

[222]
1. Collected Works, XXIV, 332, 11.18-20.
2. Heimskringla, I, 379.
3. See ibid., I, 307, 308, 314, 319, 326-332, 349, 350, 353-357, 373, and 379.
4. Collected Works, XXIV, 335, 11.6-7 and 338, 1.12.
5. Ibid.,  XXIV, 335, 11.8-11.

[223]
1. The text has “jeer and jeer,” but this is obviously a mistake for “jeer on jeer.”
2. Collected Works, XXIV, 329.
3. I have suggested the Heiðarvíga saga as a possible source of the statement Morris makes in the passage just quoted, but it is not certain that Morris had read this saga at this time; see
(Please note the rest of this note is cut off from the bottom of the page).

[224]
1. See Collected Works, VII, 385-392.                                     
2. Ibid., XXIV, 330.
3. Tr. Dasent, II, 172-184.
4. Saga Library, I, 142-143.
5. Ibid., II, 79.

[225]
1. Saga Library, II, 23 and 25.
2. Laxda͜ela-Saga, pp. 132 and 134.
3. Collected Works, XXIV, 330.
4. Ibid., XXIV, 331.

[226]
1. Collected Works, XXIV, 332.
2. See, for example, Kormaks Saga, pp. 84-88, 118-120, and 134-140; Sagan af Agli Skallagrimssyni, pp. 157-162; and Collected Works, IX, 37-38 and 41-44.
3. As I have already pointed out, it is not absolutely certain that Morris had read the Egils saga by this time; see above, pp. 189-191. A much closer parallel to Morris’s account than this episode from the Egils saga is found in the story called “The Sword, Tyrfing,” which was translated by William Taylor of Norwich from the German of Grater and was included in his Tales of Yore (London, 1810), I, 151-231, and in his Historic Survey of German Poetry (London, 1828), I, 33ff. Here we are told that Swafurlami entertained Arngrim the Berserk at an elaborate feast the night before they were to engage in single combat, and the author points out that this procedure was the common early Scandinavian custom. Unfortunately there is no evidence that Morris had read this tale, but it is not at all unlikely that he was familiar with it through Taylor’s translation.

[227]
1. Collected Works, XXIV, 332.
2. For references to York, see, for example, the Heimskringla, tr. Laing, I, 316 and III, 83 and 85; Sagan af Agli Skallagrímssyni, pp. 102, 142, 153, and 202; and Fornmanna Sőgur, I, 117 and X, 158. For mention of Scarborough, see the Heimskringla, tr. Laing, III, 83 and Fornmanna Sőgur, I, 117.
3. Collected Works, XXIV, 333.

[228]
1. Collected Works, XXIV, 335.
2. See above, pp. 93-94.
3. Collected Works, XXIV, 336.
4. See, for example, ibid., X, 19-21, 30-31, and 40-41; Kormaks Saga, pp. 164-178 and 226-242; and Heimskringla, tr. Laing, I, 450 and 450-452 and II, 39-40. I should also like to point out that Mallet’s Northern Antiquities contains a good discussion of the importance of these Icelandic skalds; see ibid., pp. 75, 77, and 234-237.

[229]
1. Collected Works, XXIV, 339.
2. Laxda͜ela saga, pp. 102, 104, 106, and 108.
3. Tr. Lain, I, 404-405. See also Mallet’s Northern Antiquities, pp. 142-144 and 345-346.
4. Collected Works, XXIV, 342.

[230]
1. Tr. Laing, II, 311-313. See also Mallet’s Northern Antiquities, p. 235.
2. Collected Works, XXIV, 342.
3. See, for example, I, 14 and 20.

[231]
1. See Forman, Books of Morris, p. 79.
2. See, for example, the Spectator, XLVI (1873), 49-50 and the Athena͜eum, No. 2352 (November 23, 1872), 657-658.
3. William Morris, I, 283-285.

 
[232]
1. I, 286.
2. Collected Works, IX, 24-25.
3. Ibid., IX, 25-26.
4. Ibid., IX, 13.

[233]
1. Collected Works, XII.
2. Ibid., XII, xxiii.
3. See above, pages 62-64.

[234]
1. Collected Works, VII, 286.
2. May Morris, William Morris, I, 472-473.

[235]
1. See Saga Library, VI, xv.
2. Mackail, William Morris, I, 299.
3. The opening of the first manuscript of the poem bears this date; see Collected Works, XII, xxiii.
4. See ibid., XII, vii.
5. Forman, Books of Morris, p. 87.

[236]
1. Bartels, op. cit., pp.14-28.

[237]
1. Pages 28-50.
2. Pages 50-54.
3. Pages 56-62.
4. Pages 62-72.

[238]
1. Page 13.
2. Collected Works, VII, 351.
3. In the Old Norse accounts we are told that a live boar was led into the hall for this purpose, and that afterwards the boar was sacrificed to Frey; see references given below on page 239 in notes 2 and 3.

[239]
1. Collected Works, XII, 177-179.
2. Edda Sa͜emoundar, tr. Thorpe, II, 14.
3. I, 208-209.
4. Undine, and Sintram and his Companions, pp. 115 and 118-119.
5. Collected Works, VII, 350-351.
6. Ibid., VII, 373.
7. Ibid., XII, 181-182. For other references to this ritual, see ibid., XII, 187, 1.26; 188, 1.4; 202, 1.22; 226, 1.30; and 227, 1.1.
8. Tr. Dasent, pp. 23-24.

[240]
1. See Collected Works, XII, 23, 1.1; 97, 1.11; 100, 1.20; 141, 1.26; 244, 1.19; and 278, 1.26; Thorpe’s Northern Mythology, I, 12 and 15; and Northern Antiquities, p. 411.
2. See Collected Works, XII, 87, 1.11; 89, 1.1; and 131, 1.21; Northern Mythology, I, 21-22, 39, 52, 54-68, 71, 77, 79, and 81; and Northern Antiquities, pp. 374-375, 377, 417, and 444.
3. See Collected Works, XII, 134, 1.28; Northern Mythology, I, 12 and 15; and Northern Antiquities, p. 411.

4. For occurrences of the names “Allfather” and “Father of the Slain” for “Odin,” see Collected Works, XII, 15, 1.28; 77, 1.1; 79, 1.2; 84, 1.19; 85, 1.20; 116, 1.28; 125, 11.10, 17, and 29; 128, 1.30; 2320, 1.30; 243, 1.13; and 299, 1.13; Northern Mythology, I, 15-18; and Northern Antiquities, p. 416.

[241]

 1.     See Collected Works, XII, 21, 1.21; 73, 1.16; and 144, 1.3; Northern Mythology, I, 49-52, 80, 81, and 82; and Northern Antiquities, pp. 96, 102, 103, 423, and 452.

2.     See Collected Works, XII, 134, 1.28; Northern Mythology, I, 31, 49, 50, 62, 66, 68, 79, and 81; and Northern Antiquities, pp. 96, 423, 445, and 453.

3.     For the use of the term “Odin’s Choosers” for “Valkyries,” see Collected Works, XII, 134, 1.27 and 172, 1.16; for a description of the “Valkyries” and of their duties as messengers sent by Odin to choose the slain, see Northern Mythology, I, 14, and Northern Antiquities, pp. 96, 427, and 568.

4.     Morris evidently used the term “Uttermost Horn” for the horn of Heimdall; see Collected Works, XII, 231, 1.23; Northern Mythology, I, 28-29, 79, and 81; and Northern Antiquities, p. 95, 102-103, 421, and 452-453.

5.     See Collected Works, XII, 7, 1.26; 21, 1.31; 47, 1.23; 64, 1.1; 73, 1.14; 75, 1.2; 77, 1.34; 78, 11.8 and 16; 82, 1.17; 99, 1.9; 117, 1.11; 124, 1.25; 169, 1.8; and 203, 1.25; Northern Mythology, I, 152; and Northern Antiquities, p. 505.

6.     In referring to the “House of Gold” Morris evidently had in mind either “Gladsheim” or “Valhalla”; see Collected Works, XII, 124, 1.25; Northern Mythology, I, 19-20; and Northern Antiquities, pp. 399-409. Once (in Collected Works, XII, 72, 1.4) he represents Odin as telling Sigurd that he has seen Sigurd’s fathers living in “a shining house”; here he is clearly referring to Valhalla.

7.     For occurrences of the terms “Midworld” or “Mid-earth,” see Collected Works, XII, 1, 1.23; 297, 1.14; and 298, 1.19; Northern Mythology, I, 5 and 10-11; and Northern Antiquities, pp. 405.

8.     For references to the “Day of Doom” or “Ragnarők,” see Collected Works, XII, 7, 1.13; 21, 1.7; 32, 1.22; and 105, 1.25; Northern Mythology, I, 78-83; and Northern Antiquities, pp. 102-104 and 451-456.

[242]

 1.     See Collected Works, XII, 7, 1.15; 14, 1.33; 52, 1.25; 96, 1.29; 150, 1.2; 177, 1.27; and 226. 11.8 and 17.

2.     See ibid., XII, 44, 1.32; 45, 1.1; and 132, 1.22.

3.     See ibid., XII, 114, 1.10; 129, 1.23; 181, 1.24; 182, 11.1 and 32; 215, 1.2; 217, 1.19; and 63, 1.32.

4.     See above, pages 141 and 226.

5.     Pages 107-108.

6.     See, for example, Saga Library, I, 91, 1.9 and II, 18, 1.7. He had also seen the remains of a “doom-ring” on one of his trips to Iceland; see Collected Works, VIII, 171-172.

[243]

1.  See Collected Works, XII, 38, 1.15 and ibid., VII, 34.

2. See ibid., XII, 204, 1.21 and ibid., VII, 200.

3.     See, for example, ibid., XII, 103, 1.32 – 104, 1.6; 106, 11.7-9; 107, 11.6-8 and 14-33; and 151, 11.1-11 and 15-18.

4.     VII (1921-1923), 151-168.

5.     McDowell makes one slight error, He says that unessential “and weakening details are omitted in such instances as that of the weasel which suggested to Sigmund a remedy for Sinfjotli when the two were werewolves” (page 154), but Morris does keep this detail in his poem (see Collected Works, XII, 33-34).

[244]

1.     Page 168.

2.    The two quarto manuscripts are bound in three-quarter dark-brown leather. On the back of the first one is pasted a slip of paper bearing the words “Sigurd. MS. of First Essay,” and below this paper are imprinted in gilt the words “Brit. Mus. Add. 37, 497.” On the inside of the front cover, at the top, we find the note “From the Library of Ch: Fairfax Murray” on a slip or paper which has been pasted in, and below this tag the number “37,497” is stamped. In the lower left-hand corner of the inside of the front cover there is pasted a slip of paper with the statement “From the Library of Laurence W. Hodson, Compton Hall, Near Wolverhampton”; just above this tag is written in pencil the number “449.b.” On the opposite page, the recto of the first flyleaf, the words “Presented by C. Fairfax Murray Esq 11 May, 1907” have been written in ink. Below this note is the stamp of the British Museum.

In this manuscript each sheet, instead of each page, is numbered. The writing begins on the verso of the first flyleaf in the middle of the final scene between Sigurd and Brynhild, continues on the second flyleaf, and runs on to the top of page 62. At this point Morris turned the book around, and beginning on what was originally the last flyleaf, numbered 91, he wrote backwards to page 62, ending with what is line 25 on page 279 of Volume XII of the Collected Works. On the recto of the second flyleaf at the end is written in pencil, “11+91.ff. May. 1907. C. B. Examined by C. J. C.”

Morris seems to have written out the material in this book very hurriedly. He wrote in pencil, using sometimes only the right-hand page, at other times both sides of each sheet. The pages are ruled, with 23 lines on a page, but he very seldom wrote on the lines, getting on the average 14 or 15 long lines of poetry on each page. There is scarcely any punctuation in the manuscript; he did, however, usually begin each line with a capital.

The other quarto manuscript, Add. 37, 498, is similar in form to the one just discussed. On the inside of the front cover and on the recto of the first flyleaf are some notes in prose pertaining to the final meeting between Sigurd and Brynhild. On the verso of the first flyleaf are pasted two slips of paper, one statin that the book is “From the Library of Ch: Fairfax Murray,” the other that it is “From

 [245]

 (Continuation of note 2 on page 244)  As in the other, manuscript, the pages in the body of the book are ruled, with 23 lines on a page, and each sheet, instead of each page, is numbered. The writing begins on the first paper with ruled lines, which is numbered “1,” and runs on to the last page of this type, which bears the number “87.” On the recto of the second flyleaf at the end is written in pencil “v + 88 ff May 1907. A. J. W. Examined by P. W. B.” At the top of the verso of this flyleaf the number “37, 498” is stamped. On the inside of the back cover Morris has written “William Morris 26 Queen Sq: Bloomsbury W. C. Whoever finds this book and brings it to the owner at the above address will receive a reward of 1₺ (one pound).” In the main he wrote only on the right-hand pages in this manuscript, and so when he had come to the end of the book, he turned it around and began writing from what originally the back toward the front; he continued to write in this way until he had reached page 43b. The section of the poem written out in this manuscript extends from what is line 26 on page 279 of Volume XII of the Collected Works to the end of the whole poem.

The folio manuscript of Sigurd is bound in half-leather, light brown in color; the covers are of wood. On the back are the words “Sigurd the Volsun By William Morris MS. Brit. Mus. Eg. 2866(F).” On the inside of the front cover, in the lower left-hand corner, there is pasted a slip of paper bearing the note “From the Library of Laurence W. Hodson, Compton Hall, near Wolverhampton”; above this tag is written the number “526.h.” On the recto of the first flyleaf we find in the upper right-hand corner the number “66A,” and in the middle of the page the words “Brit. Mus. Egerton MS. 2866 (F.) Purchased of L. B. Hodson Esq. 17 Jan. 1907.” There are three more flyleaves; they are all blank.

In the main part of the manuscript the pages are ruled, with 34 lines on a page. Morris has written the poem out in ink, using the right-hand pages only; in the main he succeeded in getting 34 complete lines of poetry on each page, for as a rule he wrote the last two or three words in each verse between the lines instead of on a separate line. The pages have been numbered twice, the original number having become incorrect because of omissions and additions of pages here and there. According to the final numbering, the poem runs from page 1 to page 355. After the conclusion of the poem, we find ten more pages, these pages consisting of cancelled versions of various scenes in the tale; this material comes to and end on page 366. Then follow four flyleaves. On the recto of the first of these is written “1X + 3bb folios Examd by P. W. B. March ’07.”

 [246]

1.     Pages xxiv-xx.

2.     I, 478-492.

3.     The earlier version is found in Manuscript Eg 2866, pages 73, 74, 72, and 78, 1.1, these cancelled pages being scattered among the sheets containing the rewritten account; the revised passage, which is written out in Manuscript Eg. 2866, pages 70, 71, 75, 76, and 77 and in Manuscript Add 37497, pages 90b-82b, is the same as that in the printed text (see Collected Works, XII, 62, 1.31 – 67, 1.4).

4.   Collected Works, XII, 63, 1.31 – 65, 1.13.

 [247]

1.     Collected Works, VII, 291-294.

2.     Ibid., XII, 66, 1.23 – 67, 1.2.

3.     The cancelled version is found in Manuscript Eg 2866, pages 123 (last 3 lines), 130, 131, and 132, 11.1-25. The revised account is given in Manuscript Eg 2866 on pages 124-129, and in Manuscript Add 37497, pages 53 – 62; in the printed text it appears in Collected Works, XII, 108, 1.15 – 112, 1.22.

 [248]

1.     See Collected Works, VII, 3328-331. The account given in the Vőlsunga saga differs slightly from Morris’s revised passage, for according to the Vőlsunga saga it is Regin who advises Sigurd to dig a pit in which to lie in wait or Fafnir, and Odin, when he appears later, instructs the young hero to prepare several pits, into which Fafnir’s blood may run.

2.     For the reference to the account of this episode in the Vőlsunga saga, see above, note 1; for the account in “Fáfnismál,” see Sa͜emundar Edda, ed. Grundtvig, pp. 110-112. In “Fáfnismál,” as in the Vőlsunga saga, we are told that Sigurd killed Fafnir by attacking him from a pit and that as Fafnir died, he conversed with Sigurd, but in “Fáfnismál” it is not related that Sigurd met Odin, as in the Vőlsunga saga.

 [249] 1.     These comments are found in the Collected Works, XII, xxv-xxvi.

2.     The original passage is given in Manuscript Eg 2866 on pages 191 (last 3 lines), 192, 193, and 198, 11.1-8. The revised account, with the exception of 11.1-8 on p. 168 of Collected Works, XII, is written out in Manuscript Eg 2866 on pages 194-197, and, in a somewhat different form, in Manuscript Add 37497 on pages 68b-62b; the printed version of this passage is to be found in Collected Works, XII, 166, 1.11 – 170, 1.2.

 [250]

1.  Collected Works, VII, 350.

[251]

 [252]

1.     Pages xxiv-xxix.

2.     Page xxvi.

3.     See above, page 237.

4.     Collected Works, VII, 379-381.

[253]

1.  Collected Works, XII, 255-257.

2.  For the corresponding passage in the Nibelungenlied, see Das Nibelungenlied, ed. Karl Bartsch (9th ed. ; Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1931), pp. 236-241.

3.  Collected Works, XII, 250, 1.13 – 253, 1.2.

4.  See ibid., VII, 377 and Sa͜emundar Edda, ed. Grundtvig, p. 140.

5.  Collected Works, XII, 252. Morris’s use of the clause “how o’er Sigurd she sat” at the end of this quotation, it should be noted, was almost certainly influenced by the first sentence of the prose passage at the beginning of “Guðrúnarkviða I”: “Guðrún sat yfir Sigur ði dauðom.” See also ibid. , stanza 1, 1.2.

6. The rejected passage is found in Manuscript Add 37498, pages 61, 62, 63, 63b, 64, 64b, and 65, 11.1-3; these 63 lines are replaced by 10 lines in the revised version (in Collected Works, XII, 252, 1.33-….) (Please note the rest is cut off from the bottom of the page)

[254]

1.  Das Nibelungenlied, ed. Bartsch, pp. 209-216.

 [255]

 1. Collected Works, XII, 76-286.

2. Das Nibelungenlied, ed. Bartsch, pp. 297-399.

3. The original version is given in Manuscript Eg 2866, pages 343. 11.24-34. 345. And 347, 11.1-16. The revised version is found in Manuscript Eg 2866, pages 344, 345, 11.15-24, and 346, and, with minor differences, in Manuscript Add 37497, pages 26 -32; in the printed text it occurs in Collected Works, XII, 297, 1.3 – 299, 1.15.

 [256]

1.  See Collected Works, VII, 388 and Edda, ed. Finnur Jónnson (2nd ed.; Copenhagen, 1926), p. 106.

 [257]

 1.     The rejected passage is given in Manuscript Add 37497, pages 43 (last 2 lines), 43b, 44, 45, 46, and 47, 11.1-4; the corresponding passage in the printed text is found in Collected Works, XII, 306, 11.5-35.

[258]

[259]

[260]

[261]

 1.     Collected Works, XII, xi.

2.     Mackail, William Morris, I, 330.

3.     Ibid., I, 335.

[262]

 1.  Fraser’s Magazine, XVI (1877), 110-111.

2.  North American Review, CXXIV (1877), 323-325.

[263]

1.     CXXIV (1877), 325.

2.     Saturday Review, XLIII (1877), 81.

3.     XLVIII (1877), 211.

[264]

1.     London Quarterly Review, XLVIII (1877), 216-217.

2.     XXXIX (1877), 504.

3.     Ibid., 503.

 [265]

1.     No. 2563 (December 9, 1876), 753.

2.     Ibid., p. 755.

3.     Ibid., pp. 753-754.

4.     Ibid., p.755.

5.     X (1876), 558.

6.     Loc. cit.

[266]

1.     Academy, X(1876), 557.

2.     Loc. cit.

[267]

[268]

[269]

 1. Mackail, William Morris, I, 347*351 and 360-362.

2.  Ibid., I, 360-361, and May Morris, William Morris, II, 571-573.

3.  “The Hardy Norseman’s Home of Yore” may be found in Hea… Songs (Boston, 1910). P. 219.

4.  For this song see Norges Melodier. 500 Norske Sange for med Underlagt Tekst (Copenhagen and Leipzig: Wilhelm Hansen Mus.. Forlag, [n.d.] ), I, 46.

[270]

[271]

 1. Mackail, William Morris, I, 339-346.

2. Ibid., I, 359.

3.  Elisabeth L. Cary, William Morris: Poet. Craftsman. Socialist., (New York and London, 1902), p. 157.

[272]

1. Collected Works, XXII, 159.

2. See above, pp. 22-23, 26, and 28.

3.  Collected Works, XXII, 224.

[273]

1.     See below, p. 282.

2.     (London, 1758).

3.     Collected Works, XVI, 85.

4.     ([Copenhagen,] 1752).

5.     (Hamburg, 1746).

 [274]

1. Natural History of Iceland, p. 91. In Anderson’s and Horrebow’s original works and in all the other translations, reasons for the absence of snakes in Iceland are also presented in this chapter; in the English translation this extra material is treated very briefly in a footnote. For this chapter in the other works see Anderson, Nachrichten von Island, p. 106; Anderson, Efterretninger om Island, Grønland og Strat Davis (Copenhagen, 1748), p. 100; Anderson, Histoire Naturelle de l ‘Islande, du Groenland, du Détroit de Davis, [tr. Gottfried Sellius] (paris, 1750-1754), I, 222; Anderson, Beschryving van Ysland, Groenland en de Straat Davis, tr. J. D. J. (Amsterdam, 1756), pp. 87-88; Horrebow, Tilforladelige Efterretninger om Island, p. 240; Horrebow, Zuverlasige Nachrichten von Island (Copenhagen and Leipzig, 1753), pp. 275-276; and Horrebow, Nouvelle Description Physique-Historique, Civile et Politique de l ‘Islande, [tr. Jacques Philibert Rousselot de Surgy and Meslin] (Paris, 1764), I, 326.

2.     See R.[asmus] Nyerup and J. E. Kraft, Almindeligt Litteraturlexicon for Danmark, Norge, og Island (Copenhagen, 1818-1820), I, 272.

3.     For an account of Anderson see the Preface to his Nachrichten von Island.

 [275]

1.     Mackail, William Morris, II, 77-78.

 [276]

1.     For a more detailed account of the work of Morris and Magnússon in behalf of the Iceland Relief Fund see Mackail, op. cit., II, 77-79 and Collected Works, XIV, xvii-xix.

2.     See Eiríkr Magnússon, The Distress in Iceland. Mansion House Relief Fund. Report Read at a Meeting of the Mansion House Committee on December 11, 1882 (London, 1882).

3.     Mackail, William Morris, I, 340.

[277]

[278]

1.     For this account of Morris’s Socialism I am in the main indebted to Mackail, William Morris, I, 347-351 and II, 23-30, 62-65, and 79-245.

2.     University of Michigan Publications. Language and Literature, X (1933), 183-203.

3.     Mackail, op. cit., II, 24-25.

[279]

1.     Mackail, op. cit., II, 25.

 [280]

1.     May Morris, William Morris, II, 385.

[ 281]

1.     Vatnsda͜ela saga, ed. Sveinn Skulason (Akureyri, 1858), pp. 26-27.

2.     See above, p. 199.

3.     May Morris, op. cit., II, 8-13. Miss Morris does not give the date of this account, but it must have been written in 1884, for in the course of the sketch (page 13, line 29) Morris refers to his joining the Democratic Federation “last year,” and we know that he took that step on January 17, 1883 (see Mackail, William Morris, II, 87).

4.     May Morris, op. cit., II, 11.

5.     Loc. cit.

 [282]

1.     May Morris, William Morris, I, 231.

2.     See above, pp. 272-275.

3.     May Morris, op. cit., I, 231.

 [283]

1.     May Morris, op. cit., I, 232.

2.     Collected Works, XXII, 281.

3.     Ibid., XXII, 284.

 [284]

1.     Commonweal, II (1886), 7.

2.     (Copenhagen, 1817), p. 531.

3.     Please note at this point footnotes 3 and 4 have been cut off from the bottom of the page.

[285]

1.     Collected Works, XVI, 223-224.

2.     See above, pp. 58 and 99.

 [286]

1. Collected Works, XVI, 265.

2. See Cleasby and Vigfússon’s Icelandic-English Dictionary, p. 77, col. 2, s.v. “bregða,” No. A, II, 1; and Egilsson’s Lexicon Poeticum (Copenhagen,1931), p. 61, col. 2, s.v. “bregða,” No. 3.

3. See Heimskringla, ed. Unger, p. 140, 1.10b and p. 499, 1.7b; and Sagan af Gunnlaugi Ormstungu, p. 192, 1.5.

4. Pall Mall Gazette “Extra,” No. 24, pp. 10-11. The list was… (please note that the rest of this note and the last footnote have been cut off from the bottom of the page).

[287]

1.     The passage to which he is referring may be found, in Morris’s own translation, in The Saga Library, III, 365-377.

2.     Collected Works, XII, xiv.

3.     Please note that footnote three has been cut off from the bottom of the page.

 [288]

1.     Collected Works, XVIII, xvii.

 [289]

1.     The Battle of Stamford Bridge is described in much the same form in five Icelandic works, - in the Heimskringla, ed. Unger, pp.608-622; in the Fagrskinna, edd. P. A. Munch and C. R. Unger (Christiania, 1847), pp. 134-142; in Hulda (in Fornmanna Sőgur, VI, 395-423); in the Flateyjarbók, pp. 387-397; and in the Morkinskinna, ed. C. R. Unger (Christiania, 1867), pp. 109-121. In making the remarks quoted in the text above, Morris could not have had in mind the accounts given in the last two works – that is, in the Flateyjarbók or in the Morkinskinna -, for neither one of these mentions the ominous dreams that King Harald Sigurdsson and his followers had before they set out on their ill-fated expedition. Any one of the other three accounts, however, could have served as the basis of what he here said in praise of the Icelandic style of narration; but of these three it seems most likely that it was the Heimskringla passage that he had read and was here referring to, for the Heimskringla is the best known of these works and, besides, we know that he was familiar with this history but we have no evidence to prove that he was acquainted with the other two.

2.     III, 76-93.

3.     See above, pp. 28-39.

4.     For a discussion of the dates of Morris’s translation of the Heimskringla, see above, pp. 182-183 and below, pp. 344-348. It should perhaps be pointed out that the form of the personal names which Morris introduced into his lecture does not throw any light on the particular account of the Battle of Stamford Bridge which he had in mind. For the names “Harald the Terrible,” “Tostig,” and “Svein” found in the lecture, Laing has “Harald Hardrada,” “Toste,” and “Swend,” and Morris in his own translation (see The Saga Library, V, 157-179) uses “Harald the hard-redy,” “Tosti,” and “Svein”; the Heimskringla (in Unger’s edition) and Hulda have “Harladar harðráðr,” “Tosti,” and “Sveinn,” and the Fagriskinna has “Haraldr hinn harðráða,” “Tosti,” and “Sveinn.” Perhaps Morris was simply using the forms with which he thought his hearers would be most familiar.

[290]

1.     Mackail, William Morris, II, 204.

2.     Sagan af Ambáles Kongi, ed. Einar Dórðarson (Reykjavík, 1886).

3.     I, 135-161.

4.     For a bibliography of editions and translations of the Ambáles saga and of the Historia Danica, see Islandica, V (19112), 71-72 and 62-70.

[291]

1.     His translation of Virgil’s Aeneids (see Collected Works, XI) furnishes ample proof of his knowledge of Latin. It should be pointed out here that an account of the Scandinavian Hamlet appeared in the Gentleman’s Magazine for October, 1847 (Volume XXVIII (New Series), 369-374). According to the introductory remarks, the story “has been translated from the Swedish of a popular miscellany printed at Stockholm during the present year, 1847, and we are inclined to think that we have here the original Scandinavian legend or saga, which was afterwards amplified into the French and English novel….”; the account itself seems to be essentially an abstract of the Hamlet story told by Saxo. However, it is very unlikely, though of course not impossible, that Morris happened to be acquainted with this story which appeared in a magazine twenty years before he became seriously interested in Scandinavian literature. Moreover, it should also be noted that a shorter, but fairly inclusive, summary of Saxo’s account of Hamlet was presented by R. K. Porter in his Travelling Sketches in Russia and Sweden During the Years 1805, 1806, 1087, 1808 (Philadelphia, 1809), pp. 4-9, but it is likewise rather unlikely that Morris was acquainted with this fairly rare book. In neither of these accounts does the name “Amloði” occur.

2.     In Sagan af Ambáles Kongi, printed by Einar Dorðarson in 1886,… (Please note that the rest of this footnote is cut off from the bottom of the page).

[292]

1.     See, for example, Edda Snorra Sturlusonar, ed. Dorleifr Jónsson (Copenhagen, 1875), pp. 109-110.

2.     (Oxford, 1883), II, 54-55.

3.     The only account of the history of the Hamlet story published before 1888 in which the form “Amloði” is discussed is, so far as I know, Carl Save’s article “Om Hamlets Namn och Betydelsen deraf. Undersőkning” in Nordisk Universitets Tidskrift, X (1866), 87-102; it is very unlikely that Morris was acquainted with this discussion. Cleasby and Vigfússon’s Icelandic-English Dictionary (page 19, col. 2) lists “Amloði,” stating that it is “the true name of the mythical prince of Denmark, Amlethus of Saxo, Hamlet of Shakespeare,” and Egilsson’s Lexicon Poeticum [(Copenhagen, 1860) page 14, col. 1] gives the name “Amloði,” pointing out that it is the same as “Amlethus” and calling attention to the passage in the Prose Edda mentioned above, but it is improbable that these brief entries alone would have led Morris to adopt the form “Amloði” instead of “Amlethus” or “Ambáles” in referring to the Scandinavian Hamlet. The name “Amloði” occurs in some of the manuscripts of the saga, of the “rímur” concerning Ambáles, and of the Odda Annaler (see “Summary of Manuscripts” in Israel Gollancz….) (Please note that the rest of this footnote is cut off from the bottom of the page.)

[293]

1.     May Morris, William Morris, II, 494.

2.     Loc. cit.

3.     The Commonweal, III (1887), 321.

4.     Ibid., IV (1888), 289.

[294]

1.     Commonweal, V (1889), 107.

2.     Ibid., V (1889), 193.

 [295]

1.     Collected Works, XXII, xxviii-xxix. See also May Morris, William Morris, I, 90.

2.     May Morris, op. cit., I, 276.

[296]

1.     See above, pages 22-23, 26, 28, and 272. In this same lecture there are three other allusions to Scandinavian matters, all of which, however, are very brief and unimportant (see May Morris, op. cit., I, 274, 1.31; 275, 1.3; and 279, 1.16).

2.     I, 449-453.

3.     I, 449.

[297]

1.     Saga Library, II, 227-229.

2.     Ibid., II, 97-100.

3.     Ibid., II, 94-95.

4.     Tr. Dasent, I, 170.

5.     Saga Library, II, 158, 11.18-20; 166, 11.1-4; and 168, 1.16-170, 1.22.

6.     May Morris, William Morris, I, 582, 11.14-16 and 24-25 and 619, 1.2.

[298]

 1.     Tr. Dasent, pp. 4-5.

2.     May Morris, William Morris, I, 450.

3.     Saga Library, II, 23 and 25.

4.     Page 87.

5.     May Morris, op. cit., I, 450.

6.     From this and the other allusions Morris makes to this tale it cannot be determined whether he read the saga in the original or in the translation by Sir Edmund Head (London and Edinburgh. 1866)… (Please note that the rest of this footnote is cut off from the bottom of the page.)

 [299]

 1.  The Story of Viga-Glum, tr. Head, p.30.

2.  May Morris, op. cit., I, 450. For the scene to which Morris is referring, see Collected Works, VII, 112.

3. May Morris, op. cit., I, 450.

4. See Burnt Njal, tr. Dasent, II, 196-196.

5. May Morris, op. cit., I, 450.

6. Saga Library, II, 128-129.

[301]
1. May Morris, op. cit., I, 451-453. For the account of this episode in the original see Vatnsda͜ela saga, pp. 50-52. Morris’s abstract of this scene in the saga is not strictly accurate: he states that Ingiumndr told no one of the wound, but the saga says that when Ingimundr came home he revealed his condition to one of the young servants and asked the lad to go to Hrolleifr and tell him to flee at once, before Dorsteinn and Jőkull, Ingimund’s sons, should have time to kill him in revenge for their father’s death.
2. May Morris, op. cit., I, 452.
3. For the account in the original see the Vatnsda͜ela saga, pp. 52-53.

[302]
1. May Morris, op. cit., I, 452.
2. Ibid., I, 452-453.
3. See The Story of Viga-Glum, pp. 102-104.
4. May Morris, op. cit., I, 453. For the original of the stanza that Morris has translated from the “Hávamál” see Sa͜emundar Edda hins Fróőa, ed. Grundtvig, p. 53, stanza 76.

[303]
1. May Morris, op. cit., I, 453.
2. Ibid., I, 466-467.

[304]
1. See above, pages 277-278.
2. Forman, Books of Morris, p. 140.

[305]
1. (Greifswald, 1907). Biber’s study is really concerned with an examination of the vocabulary and style of the tales; but in commenting on Scandinavian terms and expressions found in these romances, he indirectly calls attention to institutions, customs, beliefs, and ideas of the early Norsemen that Morris introduced into his stories.
2. Mackail, William Morris, II, 213-214. To be sure, the Icelandic sagas were not unique in mingling prose and verse. As several critics have pointed out (see, for example, the Academy, XXXV (1889), 85 and the Athena͜eum, No. 3229 (September 14, 1889), 348)m this method of telling a story was used in other early forms of literature, such as the “cantefable,” of which the best example is of course Aucassin et Nicolette; however, in this matter of form, Morris’s tales are really closer to the sagas then to the “cantefables,” for as the reviewer in the Athena͜eum (page 349) says, while : in the ‘cantefable’

[306]
(Continuation of note 2 on page 305) the prose portions are…a kind of rough-and-ready setting for the verses, the prose of the Icelandic sagas is as polished as verse, and, indeed, has a movement finer than a metrical one,” and in this respect Morris’s tale resembles the Icelandic sagas very closely. For an account of the way in which the use of a combination of prose and verse as a medium of expression in the Old Norse sagas seems to have developed, see Henry Adams Bellows, The relations between Prose and Metrical Composition in Old Norse Literature (unpublished Harvard doctoral dissertation, 1910), especially pages 125-126, 334-338, and n – t. For a similar discussion in regard to the Irish sagas, see Marie L. Edel, The Relations between Prose and Metrical Composition in Early Irish Narrative Literature (unpublished Radcliffe doctoral dissertation, 1935), especially pages 1-4, 70-76, 190-196, and 235-237.
1. Collected Works, XVII, xv. See also ibid., XIV, xxv and Mackail, op. cit., II, 214-215.

[307]
1. Biber, op. cit., p. 85.
2. Loc. cit. Biber states that the term “folk-mote” occurs in these prose romances, but does not give any references; for occurrences of the name in The House of the Wolfings see the Collected Works, XIV, 7, 1.19; 50, 11.1-2; 58, 1.8; 144, 1.27; 159, 1.22; 166, 1.7; and 194, 1.22. Of course the terms “Thing” and “Mote” are used not only in Old Norse but in other early Germanic languages as well, but these names occur extremely frequently in the Icelandic sagas and it was almost certainly his study of the sagas which led Morris to introduce these designations here.
3. Biber, op. cit., p. 85. For other references see Collected Works, XIV, 7, 1.22; 54, 1.23; 158, 11.11 and 37; and 159, 11.4, 7, and 13.
4. Biber, op. cit., p. 84. For occurrences of the term in The House of the Wolfings see the Collected Works, XIV, 7, 1.26 and 159, 1.22.
5. See above, page 242.
6. Collected Works, XIV, 69, 1.6 and 159, 1.22 and 32.
7. See, for example, The Saga Library, II, 154, 1.30 and 155, 1.14, and Sagan af Agli Skallagrimssyni, p. 219, 1.12.
[note 8 is cut off from the bottom of the page]

[308]
1. Collected Works, XIV, 58, 1.13.
2. See below, pages 322-325.
3. For the description of this hall see Collected Works, XIV, 5, 1.33 – 7, 1.17.
4. Academy, XXXV (1889), 85. For Morris and Magnússon’s account in the Grettis saga see Collected Works, VII, 228-230.
5. Collected Works, XIV, 5, 1.38 and 6, 11.11-13.
6. Biber, op. cit., p. 87.
7. See above, pages 226 and 242.

[309]
1. See Collected Works, XIV, 8, 1.24; 12, 11.1-8 and 16-2; 13, 11.10-11; 51, 1.8; and 1961 11.1-2.
2. See, for example, The Saga Library, III, 176, 243, 273-274, 292, 293, and 309. In one passage (Collected Works, XIV, 12) Morris gives a very full description of this “war-arrow,” the source of which I have not been able to ascertain:
“I bear the shaft of battle that is four-wise cloven through,
And its each end dipped in the blood-stream, both the iron
And the horn,
And its midmost scathed with the fire….”
3. See below, page 310, note 2.
4. See Collected Works, XIV, 57, 1.3; 68, 1.8; and 204, 1.1.
5.See ibid., XIV, 49, 1.28.
6. See below, pages 310, note 7; 311, notes 5 and 6; 312, note 1; and 313, note 1.
7. See Collected Works, XIV, 111, 1.24.
8. See ibid., XIV, 171, 1.28.
9. See ibid., XIV, 107, 1.30.
10. See below, page 310, note 3.
11. See Collected Works, XIV, 73, 1.8; 104, 1.14; 107, 1.27; 108, 1.19; 111, 1.21; 172, 11.13 and 15; and 204, 1.4.

[310]
1. See Collected Works, XIV, 206, 1.36 – 207, 1.1. Ragnarők is not mentioned by name, but there can be no doubt that Morris is referring to the Old Norse Ragnarők in the account he gives in these lines of the end of the world.
2. See ibid., XIV, 57, 11.1-2; 100, 11.10-11; and 168, 1.6.
3. See ibid., XIV, 195, 11.30-31. For examples of the use of such expressions for “dying” in Old Norse works see The Saga Library, III, 70, 11.10-11; 155, 11.13-14; and 191, 11.9-12 and 15-18.
4. See Collected Works, XIV, 20. 11.19-20.
5. See ibid., XIV, 53, 1.26.
6. Morris’s description is to be found in Collected Works, XIV, 70, 11.26-37. One of the best saga accounts is that in the Hákonar saga hins goða (see The Saga Library, III, 165); see also Mallet, op. cit., pp. 111-113.
7. See Collected Works, XIV, 68, 1.19; 69, 1.23; 80, 1.9; 97, 1.3; 115, 11.28-29; 117, 1.32; 125, 1.15; 145, 1.4; and 160, 11.12 and 26.

[311]
1. See Heimskringla, ed. Unger, p. 25, 1.16.
2. See Corpus Poeticum Boreale, I, 253, 1.42.
3. Page 647, col. 1, s. v. “Týr.”
4. Page 223. The first interpretation seems more likely to be the correct one. In one case (Collected Works, XIV, 68, 1.8) the Goths are addressed, not as the “children of Tyr,” but as the “Children of Slains-father”; since the “Slains-father” is Odin, this expression would mean “children of Odin” or, more loosely, “children of the gods.” If the two expressions are synonymous – and they seem so to be used -, “children of Tyr” must be used in the sense of “offspring of gods,” not as “warriors.”
5. Collected Works, XIV, 184, 1.4.
6. Ibid., XIV, 98, 1.25.

[312]
1. Collected Works, XIV, 79.
2. It is not listed in Egilsson’s Lexicon Poeticum (Copenhagen, 1931) under “týr” (page 576, col. 1).
3. Perhaps the phrase “the Stone of Tyr” is simply a misprint for “the Sons of Tyr.”

[314]
1. See Collected Works, X, 127.
2. See ibid., VII, 320-321.
3. For an account of Morris’s acquaintance with the story of Tyrfing, see above, pages 137-139.
4. See, for example, Collected Works, VII, 336, 1.18.
5. Ibid., XIV, 104, 11.26-27. See also ibid,, XIV, 40, 11.25-34.

[315]
1. For saga references to this belief, see, for example, Morris’s translation of the Vőlsunga saga (in Collected Works, VII, 302, 1.21 – 303, 1.29), The Saga Library, II, 167, 11.9-12 and the note on p. 292, and ibid., III, 18, 11.5-10 and 268, 1.20 – 269, 1.21.
2. Page 292.
3. See Collected Works, XV, 52, 1.14.
4. See, for example, Collected Works, VII, 302, 1.24. In their original publication of their Vőlsunga saga translation, Morris and Magnússon inserted an interesting note at this point on “skin-changers,” but this note was omitted when the rendering was reprinted in the Collected Works; for the note see The Volsunga Saga, tr. Magnússon and Morris, with introduction by N. Halliday Sparling (London, Stockholm, Copenhagen, Berlin, and New York, 1906), p. 46.
[Note that the rest of this page is cut off from the bottom.]

[316]
1. For saga references to this custom, see The Saga Library, III, 58, 11.12-28; 165, 1.31 – 166, 1.3; 171, 11.5-7; and 272, 1.5 – 273, 1.6.
2. See Collected Works, XIV, 56, 11.28-29 and 128, 11.14-15.
3. See Collected Works, XIV, 38, 1.18; 105, 11.3 and 4; and 145, 1.4; and The Saga Library, III, 4, 1.24; 23, 11.15-22; 43, 1.18; and 97, 11.19-29.
4. See Collected Works, XIV, 203, 1.1 – 204, 1.20.
5. Saga Library, III, 189-193.
6. See Collected Works, XIV, 49, 11.26-31 and above, pages 238-239.
7. See Collected Works, XIV, 112; 11.21-22; 113, 1.13; and 206, 11.32-33; and above, page 141.

[317]
1. Studien zu William Morris’ Prose-Romances, p. 76.
2.Collected Works, XIV, 64, 1.36.
3. See, for example, ibid., VIII, 76-79 and 165-167, passim.
4. See ibid., XV, 307, 11.4 and 16; 308, 11.28-29; and 309, 1.6 and 10.
5. Ibid., XV, 307.
6. Ibid., VIII, 76.

[318]
1.See Collected Works, XIV, 44, 1.13 – 45, 1.8; 128, 1.6 – 129, 1.6; 183, 1.27 – 184, 1.32; and 203, 1.1 – 204, 1.20.

[319]
1. Collected Works, XIV, 44.
2. Ibid., XIV, 180.
3. See ibid., XV, xi-xii.

[320]
1. William Morris, II, 227.
2. IV, 49.

[321]
1. See Collected Works, XV, 166, 11.3, 25, and 37; 167, 1.5; 178, 1.16; 180, 1.2; 181, 1.26; 182, 11.13, 25, 26 and 32; and 185, 1.3.
2. See ibid., XV, 409, 1.19.
3. See ibid., XV, 156, 1.34; 159, 11.14-15; 165, 11.22 and 24; 167, 1.9; 178, 11.10 and 13-14; 218, 1.23; 231, 1.25; 242, 1.9; and 287, 1.15.
4. See ibid., XV, 166, 1.15; 182, 1.16; 223, 1.20; 370, 1.29; and 371, 1.1.
5. See ibid., XV, 273, 1.34; 279, 11.16 and 18; and 282, 1.35.
6. See ibid., XV, 9, 11.21 and 23; 120, 1.33; 122, 1.19; 124, 1.6; 130, 11.34-35; 167, 11.6 and 34; 168, 11.2-3; 176, 11.11 and 26; 177, 1.32; 178, 1.9; 185, 1.2; 219, 11.3, 11, and 37; 222, 1.37; 223, 1.33; 227, 11.23-24 and 26; 238, 1.16; 248, 1.12; 253, 1.16; 254, 11.5, 27, and 35; 255, 11.5, 6-7, and 12; 273, 11.24 and 28; 274, 1.9; 279, 11.1-2, 5, 8, and 13; 281, 11.4-5; 284, 11.1-2 and 5; 300, 1.37; 292, 11.7 and 31-32; 316, 1.11; 317, 1.9; 320, 1.35; 379, 11.11-12; 380, 11.8 and 30; and 382, 1.14.
7. See ibid., XV, 368, 11.27-28.
8. See ibid., XV, 4, 1.19; 11, 1.29; 19, 1.4; 273, 11.29-30 and 35; 274, 1.8 and 24-25; 275, 1.1; 278, 1.10; 283, 1.16; 301, 11.10 and 16; 320, 1.32; 374, 1.21; and 406, 11.2-3.
9. See ibid., XV, 290, 1.21.
10. See ibid., XV, 9, 1.10.
11. See ibid., XV, 320, 11.4-5; 321, 11.1-2; 342, 1.21; 343, 1.15; 352, 11.1, 9, and 17; 353, 1.12; 356, 11.30-31; 357, 1.32; 370, 11.23 and 32; 371, 1.17; 382, 1.35; 406, 1.13; and 409, 1.16.

[322]
1. See Collected Works, XV, 4, 1.20; 9, 1.22; 101, 1.26; 102, 11.11 and 13; 110, 1.17; 113, 1.26; 115, 1.26; 123, 11.25 and 36-37; 124, 11.1 and 28; 129, 1.2; 172, 11.5-6; 264, 1.14; 274, 1.16; 291, 1.33; 294, 1.3; 301, 1.12; 370, 1.29; and 408, 11.23 and 27.
2. See ibid., XV, 4, 11.20-21 and 11, 1.10. All these terms, it should be pointed out, do not occur in the sagas: Cleasby and Vigfússon’s Icelandic-English Dictionary does not list any Old Norse words for “Gate-thing,” “Folk-mote,” “Mote-stead,” “Mote-hall,” and “Mote-house.” These names were evidently coined by Morris in the saga manner. As I stated above in my discussion of The House of the Wolfings, the terms “thing” and “mote” occur so frequently in the sagas that it is not necessary to seek for any definite source for Morris’s information regarding these institutions; for suggestions as to the basis of his knowledge of “doom-rings” and “Speech-mounds,” see above, page 242 and page 307.
3. Collected Works, XV, 279. For another account of the hallowing of a Thing, see ibid., XV, 167, 11.12-19.

[323]
1. See, for example, The Saga Library, I, 80 and 82.
2. Ibid., II, 8. See also ibid., II, xxxii-xxxiii and 29-30; Mallet’s Northern Antiquities, pp. 109, 291, and 292; and the Corpus Poeticum Boreale, I, 403 and 422.
3. The “tyrgðamál” is presented in the Eyrbyggja saga and the Grettis saga. For Morris’s translation of this oath see The Saga Library, II, 245-246 and Collected Works, VII, 178-179.

[324]
1. The Saga Library, II, 245-246. The “tyrgðamál” very likely influenced two other passages in The Roots of the Mountains, the speech of the Alderman in the hallowing of another assembly (in Collected Works, XV, 167, 11.12-19) and Gold-mane’s wish for the happiness of Folk-might and the Bride (in ibid., XV, 265, 1.36 – 266, 1.2). In introducing these alliterative formulae Morris may also have had in mind stanzas 85-87 of the “Hávamál” and stanzas 15-17 of the “Sigrdrífumál,” were alliterative phrases are piled up in a similar manner.
2. Collected Works, XV, 182, 11.9-37 and 279, 1.36 – 280, 1.15.

[325]
1. See, for example, The Saga Library, II, 14-17; Burnt Njal, tr. Dasent, II, 270-284; and Sagan af Agli Skallagrímssyni, pp. 123-127.
2. Collected Works, XV, 63, 11.33-34. See also ibid., 64, 11.31-34.
3. See, for example, Gisli the Outlaw, tr. Dasent, p. 43.
4. See Collected Works, XV, 65, 11.3-6.
5. See ibid., XV, 281, 1.19 – 282, 1.6.

[326]
1. See, for example, The Saga Library, I, 63-64 and II, 65, 101, and 131.
2. Studien zu William Morris’ Prose-Romances, p. 86.
3. See, for example, The Saga Library, I, 102, 1.18; 109, 11.20 and 22; 110, 11.7 and 9; and 139, 11.6 and 25; and II, 23, 1.31; 24, 1.30; 25, 1.7 and 75, 1.3.
4. See above, page 226.
5. Collected Works, XV, 282, 11.26-27.
6. Page 293, col. 1, s. v. “Hundrað,” B. For examples of allusions,
[The rest of note 6 is cut off from the bottom of the page.]

[327]
1. Page 2293, col. 1, s.v. “Hundrað,” B.
2. For saga references to the paying of “weregild” see, for example, Burnt Njal, tr. Dasent, I, 121, 125, and 133.
3. See above, page 308.
4. For references in the tale to the hall see Collected Works, XV, 13, 11.20-27; 14, 1.28 – 15, 1.24; 17, 1.29; 17, 1.35 – 18, 1.4; 158, 11.1-4; 217, 11.18-20; 218, 1.32; 244, 11.7 and 13; and 247, 1.33.

[328]
1.Studien zu William Morris’ Prose-Romances, p. 86. Biber gives only one example of the use of this word in The Roots of the Mountains, but it occurs several times; see Collected Works, XV, 15, 1.4; 40, 11.2-3; 48, 11.16-17; 56, 1.10; 72, 1.8; and 76, 1.27.
2. See Collected Works, XV, 219, 11.32-35 and 221, 1.8. One tribe uses a “war-arrow” tied to a spear as banner; see ibid., XV, 225, 11.34-37; 276, 11.5-6; 277, 11.32-33; and 293, 11.34-35.
3.See above, pages 308-309.
4. For references to the “Weapon-show” in The Roots of the Mountains, see Collected Works, XV, 219, 1.35; 223, 1.29; 224, 1.1 – 232, 1.18; 250, 1.15; 255, 1.1; 274, 1.6; and 276, 11.2-3. For saga references to the “vápnaping,” see Njála (Copenhager, 185), p. 155, 1.11 and the Flateryjarbók, II, 429, 11.12-13.
[note 5 is cut off from the bottom of the page]

[329]
1. See Collected Works, XV, 17, 11.12-13; 71, 11.17-18 and 29; 104, 11.18-19; 124, 11.7, 16, 19, and 25; 128, 1.35; 161, 1.32; 167, 11.18-19; 258, 1.29; 279, 1.15; 291, 1.34; and 368, 11.31-32 and 37.
2. It should be pointed out that the expression “Land-áss” does occur in a pem ascribed to Egil Skallagrímsson (see Corpus Poeticum Boreale, II, 72, 1.16); but this phrase cannot really be considered a parallel to, not the source of, Morris’s “the God of the Earth.” In the Corpus Poeticum Vigfússon and Powell translate the line in which this expression occurs as “May the god of the land[Thor] loathe the tyrant who defiles the sanctuaries!”; and in An Icelandic English Dictionary (page 371, col. 2, s. v. “land-áss) Vigfússon defines the term as “the guardian god of the land.”
3. See Mallet, Northern Antiquities, p. 406.
4. An Icelandic-English Dictionary, P. 743, col. 2, s. v. “Dórr,” A.
5. See Corpus Poeticum Boreale, II, 464. These epithets occur in poems included in the Prose Edda and the Poetic Edda, works which Morris knew.

[330]
1. See The Saga Library, III, 169.
2. See Collected Works, XV, 139, 1.23; 141, 1.14; and 296, 1.34; and above, page 310, note 4.
3. Collected Works, XV, 356, 11.4-5.
4. For accounts of the “Miðgarðsormr” that Morris very likely knew, see above, page 241, note 2.
5. Collected Works, XV, 140, 1.37.                                      
6. For references to accounts of Asgard, see above, page 29, note 3.
7. See Collected Works, XV, 59, 1.27; 169, 11.26 and 29; 195, 1.35; 198, 1.4; 204, 1.36; 353, 1.3 and 355, 1.31.
[note 8 is cut off from the bottom of the page]

[331]
1. Collected Works, XV, 353.
2. See ibid., VII, 83, 11.12-13; 84, 11.3-4; 87, 1.27; and 88, 11.29-31.
3. See ibid., XV, 17, 1.16; 124, 11.4-6, 9, 10, 12-14, and 26; 128, 11.34-35; and 368, 11.24-36. For references to saga accounts of this ring see above, page 323, note 2.
4. Collected Works, XV, 9, 11.25-31.

[332]
1. The Saga Library, III, 20. For further accounts of these customs see Mallet, Northern Antiquities, pp. 110-111, 113, and 196, and the Corpus Poeticum Boreale, I, 404.
2. See above, pages 315-316.
3. See above, page 316.
4. See Collected Works, XV, 67, 11.16-17; 70, 1.1 – 71, 1.32; 108, 11.10-20; 184, 11.8-12; 281, 11.12-13 and 17-19; and 405, 11.23-24.
5. See ibid., XV, 72, 1.5.
6. In 1892, in an article in Beiträge zur Geschitchte der Deutschen Sprache und Literatur, XVI, 540-544, Eduard Sievers pointed out that this interpretation of “Sonargőltr” is wrong.
7. See above, pages 316-317.
[note 8 is cut off from the bottom of the page]

[333]
1. Op. cit., p. 72.
2. See Collected Works, XV, 1 , 1.3 – 2, 1.28; 99, 1.20 – 101, 1.24; 305, 1.11 – 307, 1.27; 308, 11.3-9; 309, 1.3 – 310, 1.20; 310, 1.35 – 312, 1.21.
3. Studien zu William Morris’ Prose-Romances, p. 87. For other references to “skids,” in addition to those mentioned by Biber, see Collected Works, XV, 77, 11.3 and 6; 1, 1.18; ad 82, 1.33.
4. See, for example, Sagan af Agli Skallagrímssyni, p. 33, 1.11 and 177, 1.22.
5. Op. cit., p. 85.
[notes 6 and 7 are cut off from the bottom of the page]

[334]
1. See, for example, the Heimskringla, tr. Laing, II, 67, 1.9 and 68, 11.8 and 12-16.
2. For references to “long hundreds” see Collected Works, XV, 176, 1.3; 205, 11.12-13; 231, 11.19-21; 249, 1.37; 250, 1.16; 302, 11.22-23; 317, 1.33; 364, 1.14.
3. Mallet, Northern Antiquities, p. 424.
4. Collected Works, XV, 341, 1.1 – 342, 1.6 and 358, 1.17 – 360, 1.14.
5. See above, pages 317-319.

[335]
1. See Mackail, William Morris, II, 231.
2. See above, pages 272-275.

[336]
1. Collected Works, XVI, 60.
2. (Edinburgh, 1859), pp. 321-324.
3. Collected Works, SVI, 110.
4. See, for example, John Morley, The Life of William Ewart Gladstone (London, 1903), I, 8-9.

[337]
1. Morley, op. cit., I,, 9.
2. See Justin McCarthy, The Story of Gladstone’s Life (New York, 1897), p. 3.
3. In addition to the three Scandinavian allusions commented upon in the text above, I should like to point out here that in the tale Morris occasionally uses such terms as “Mote” (see Collected Works, XVI, 88, 11.10, 17, 22, and 25), “ward-mote” (see ibid., XVI, 42, 1.20), “Mote-House” (see ibid., XVI, 24, 1.34 and 73, 1.11), and “mote-halls” (see ibid., XVI, 33, 1.6).
4. The tale appeared in the English Illustrated Magazine in the June, July, August, and September issues for 1890 (see ibid., VII (1889-1890), 687698, 754-768, 824-838, and 884-900). Shortly thereafter it was published in book form.
[note 5 is cut off from the bottom of the page]

[338]
1. See Collected Works, XIV, 323, 11.32-33 and above, page 321.
2. See Collected Works, XIV, 289, 1.27 and above, pages 325-326.
3. See Collected Works, XIV, 230, 11.13, 34, and 35; 235, 1.32; 241, 11.18 and 29; 277, 1.4; 287, 1.37; 288, 1.7; 292, 1.9; and 317, 1.36. See also above, page 328.
4. See Collected Works, XIV, 308, 1.30 and above, page 309.
5. See Collected Works, XIV, 248, 11.28-29 and above, page 241.
6. See Collected Works, XIV, 224, 1.21; 318, 11.34-36; and 321, 11.21-22. See also above, pages 314-315.
7. See Collected Works, XIV, 224, 11.21-25 and 253, 1.9. See also above, pages 333-334.
8. See Collected Works, XIV, 309, 11.1-3; 318, 1.10; and 319, 11.16-31. See also above, pages 239-240. It should perhaps also be pointed out that the alliterative formula found in a speech of the hero of the tale (in Collected Works, XIV< 256, 11.31-37) was probably imitated from the Old Norse “tyrgðamál,” as similar for-
[the rest of note 8 and note 9 are cut off from the bottom of the page]

[339]
1. Collected Works, XIV, 319, 11.8-15. When Morris referred at the end of the quotation given above to the “land-wights of the mountains,” he very likely had in mind the “land-va͜ettir” so often mentioned in the Old Norse literature, although of course the early Scandinavians are not the only people who have believed in the existence of guardian spirits of the land. For Scandinavian allusions to “land-va͜ettir” see Thorpe, Northern Mythology, I, 116-117 and the Corpus Poeticum Boreale, I, 419-420. See also the quotation from the Egils saga presented at the bottom of this page.
2. See Collected Works, XIV, 312.

3. Sagan af Agli Skallagrímssyni, p. 137. The translation is that given by Thorpe in his account of this custom in his Northern

[340]

1. Collected Works, XIV, 266.
2. I, 108-109.
3. See, for example, the title of the tale and Collected Works, XIV, 211, 1.36 – 212, 1.1; 212, 11.15-16; 228, 11.27-28; 233, 11.23-24 and 34; 234, 11.1-2; 243, 1.13; 244, 11.16-17 and 24; 245, 11.24-25; 246, 1.9; 248, 1.29; 248, 1.38 – 249, 1.1; 249, 11.15, 20, and 32; 251, 1.2; 253, 1.12; etc.
4. See, for example, the title and ibid., XIV, 212, 1.5; 226, 11.35-36; 253, 1.27; etc.
5. See ibid., XIV, 249, 1.1; 253, 11.22-23; 22, 11.5-6; and [rest of note 5 is cut off from the bottom of the page]

[341]

1. The name “Gla͜esisvellir” is found in the Norna-Gests páttr, which, as I have already pointed out, Morris is known to have translated, - in part, at least; see above, pages 189-191. For occurrences of the name in the Norna-Gests páttr, see the Flateyjarbók, I, 347, 11.3-4.
2. See Fornaldar Sőgur Nordrlanda, I, 411, 11.11 and 15; 442, 1.22; 444, 1.9; and 452, 11.10-11.
3. See the Flateyjarbók, I, 29, 1.11; 31, 11.34 and 35; 32, 1.3; and 34, 11.6 and 27.
4. See Fornaldar Sőgur Nordrlanda, III, 519, 1.11.
5. See Fornmanna Sőgur, III, 136, 1.22; 138, 1.5; 139, 1.14; and 140, 1.5.
6. See ibid., III, 183, 11.1-2 and 12; 194, 1.23; and 196, 1.30.
7. See Fornaldar Sőgur Nordrlanda, III, 208, 1.7; 210, 1.16; 214, 1.5; 215, 1.6; 216, 1.20; 217, 1.17; 218, 11.1-2; 219, 1.2; 228, 11.8-9; and 233, 1.8.
8. See Islandica, V (1912), 22-26, 12, 20, 21, 60, and 10-11.
9. See notes 1-7 on this page and below, page 1000.
[note 10 is cut off from the bottom of the page]

[342]

1. Studien zu William Morris’ Prose-Romances, p. 78.
2. See Collected Works, XIV, 239, 1.20 – 241, 1.10 and 313, 1.9 – 314, 1.20. See also above, pages 317-319 and 334-335.

[343]

1. No. 33, 113(September 10, 1890), p. 12.
2. II, 247.
3. See above, page 184.
4. See above, pages 47-52.

[344]

1. See above, pages 189-191.
2. See above, page 182.
3. See below, pages 344-348.
4. See above, page 49 and below, pages 516-517.

[345]

1. This manuscript measure 12 ¾ by 8 inches. On the inside of the front cover we find the following note in Cockerell’s hand:

“This Catalogue of the library of William Morris at Kelmscott House, Upper Mall, Hammersmith was begun in 1890 by his elder daughter Jenny and was continued in the same year and in 1891 (H 72-91) by Morris himself. In 1892 (Nov.) I was employed to make a more elaborate Catalogue of the manuscripts and incunabula, and this last does not contain the numerous books acquired by Morris  in the last five years of his life.”

On the recto of the first of the three flyleaves is written “Sydney C. Cockerell – given me by Mrs. Morris after her husband’s death.” The catalogue begins on the fourth page, which is a sales-sheet from Bernard Quaritch of London, and runs through page 91; page 92 is blank, but the catalogue is continued on page 93. The first page, the sales-sheet, is not numbered. At the end of the book the three flyleaves are blank; but on the inside of the back cover is pasted a slip of paper bearing the autograph of William Morris, and at the bottom of this cover, in the lower left-hand column, is written “Bound by Katherine Adams at Broadway Worcestershire 1911.”

The first part of the catalogue, from the beginning to page 72, has been prepared rather carelessly; many of the titles must have been written down from dictation, for there are numerous misspellings. On pages 72, 73, and 74 we find two handwritings, the new one being clearly Morris’s, and on pages 75 through 91 all the entries seem to have been made by Morris. The last page, page 93, appears to be in the hand that wrote the titles on the sales-sheet and the first 71 pages. All the entries except those on page 93 are numbered; there are 973 numbered entries in all.

Those pages that are watermarked are dated 1882, 1885, and 1888.

[346]

1. For an account of this manuscript see above, page 187.

[347]

1. For an account of this manuscript, which is now in the Brotherton Library, Leeds, England, see A Selection of Books, Manuscripts, Engravings, and Autograph Letters (London: Maggs Brothers, 1928), pp. 208-209.

[349]

1. See Collected Works, XV, xxviii, 11.18-21.
2. Page vii.
3. It is not necessary to investigate the sources of Morris’s [rest of note 3 is cut off from the bottom of the page].

[350]

1. These quotations come from The Saga Library, I, xi-xii.
2. See above, pages 189-191.
3. See above, pages 180-181.
4. See above, pages 188-189.
5. See above, pages 187-188.
6. See above, pages 189-191.
7. See above, pages 54-55.

[351]
1. LIII(1891), 220.

[352]
1. See Islandica, I (1908), 19-20 and 49-50.
2. In John Coles, Summer Travelling in Iceland (London, 1882), pp. 205-229.
3. For translations of these sagas prior to 1891 see The Story of Viga-Glum, tr. Head, “The Story of Thorðr Hreða (The Terror)” and “The Story of Hrafnkell, Frey’s Priest,” in John Coles, op. cit., pp. 173-204 and 230-249, and Eirik the Red’s Saga, tr. Rev. J. Sephton (Liverpool, 1880).
4. As I pointed out above, the Bandamanna saga had been translated by John Coles in his Summer Travelling in Iceland, pp. 205-
[note 4 is cut off from the bottom of the page.

[353]
1. Hávarðar saga Ísfirðings, ed. And tr. G[unnlaugr] Thordarson, med et Tillaeg om Sagaen og Forklaring af Viserne, ved Gísli Brynjúlfsson, in Nordiske Oldskrifter, XXVIII (Copenhagen, 1860), 1 – 53. Magnússon says on page xxii of the Preface to Volume I of The Saga Library that in the main he and Morris followed the restoration of the “vísur” that was undertaken by Gísli Brynjúlfsson in 1860. A comparison of the translation with this text and the only other edition of the saga which, according to Islandica, I (1908), 48, existed in the early 1870’s when the rendering was produced – namely, the one in Nockrer Marg-Frooder Sőgu-Da͜etter Islendinga, pp. 38-58 -, shows, as is to be expected, that they followed the same text for their prose. Compare, for example, the following passages in Nordiske Oldskrifter with the corresponding passages in the other edition and in The Saga Library: XXVIII, 1, 1.2; 1, 1.3; 2, 1.7; 2, 1.8; 2, 11.19-21; and 3, 1.17.
2. Bandamanna saga, ed. H[alldórr] Fridriksson, in Nordiske Oldskrifter, X (Copenhagen, 1850), 3 – 43. After comparing the Arnamagna͜ean and the Regius texts of this saga, Magnúson says on page xxv of the Preface to Volume I of The Saga Library that he and Morris based their translation of the former; on the preceding page he had pointed out that the Arnamagna͜ean text “was edited by H. Fridrksson at Copenhagen in 1850.” Another edition of the Arnamagna͜ean text was in existence in the 1870’s – namely, the one in Nockrer Marg-Frooder Sőgu-Da͜eeter Islendinga, pp. 1-15 (see Islandica, I (1908), 3) -, but Morris and Magnúson used the one in Nordiske Oldskrifter. Compare, for example, the following passages in Nordiske Oldskrifter with the corresponding passages in the other text and in The Saga Library: X, 3, 1.1; 4, 1.10; 4, 1.19; 4, 11.21-22; 5, 1.24; 6, 1.5; 6, 1.7; and 6, 1.14.

[354]
1. Pages 119-186.
2. See The Saga Library, I, xxvi. For the passage in the Morkinskinna, see Morkinskinna, ed. Unger, pp. 105-109.
3. The four texts of Odds páttr Ófeigssonar that were available in 1891 are (1) Solennia Aacdemica ad Celebrandum Diem XXVIII Januarii MDCCCXXI Regi Nostro Augustissimo Frederico Sexto Natalem Habenda Indict Universitatis Regiae Havniensis Rector M. Nicolaus Schow cum Senatu Academico, pp. 1-7; (2) Fornmanna Sőgur, Vi, 377-384; (3) Morkinskinna, pp. 105-109; and (4) Flateyjarbók, III, 381-386. As I state above, the two translators seem to follow now one, now another, of these texts. For example, the words “they had foul wind” (Saga Library, I, 167, 1.6) are found in texts 1 and 2, but not in 3 and 4; the sentence “And Harald Sigurdson was then king over Norway” (Saga Library, I, 167, 11.8-9) is omitted in text 1; the clause “and thereon was Einar Fly” (Saga Library, I, 167, 11.21-22) is given thus in texts 3 and 4 but not in 1 and 2, which have “par var Einar fluga með fjőlda manns”; the passage in The Saga Library, I, 167, 1.24 – 168, 1.3 is found in essentially this form in texts 1, 2, and 3 but in an entirely different form in text 4; and the concluding paragraph (Saga Library, I, 175, 11.10-17) is given thus in text 4 but not in 1, 2, and 3.

[355]
1. See above, pages 351-352.
2. LIII (1891), 220.
3. XL (1891), 448.
4. XIII (1892), 74-76.

[356]
1. See below, page 563.
2. The book is dated 1892; but in a letter headed September 23, 1891 which is quoted by Mackail in another connection we find Morris saying, “…Mr. Quaritch has sent me in a specimen copy of volume 2 of the Saga Library…” (Mackail, William Morris, II, 265), and the book was discussed in the Saturday Review for October 24, 1891 (LXXII (1891), 481).
3. Magnússon states on p. vii of Volume VI of The Saga Library that he wrote this Preface and then submitted it to Morris for evision. See also May Morris, William Morris, I, 459.

[357]
1. See Islandica, I (1908), 19-20 and 49-50.
2. II, 277-394. Magnússon states explicitly in the Preface to Volume II of The Saga Library (p. xxxvi) that it was Sigurdsson’s edition of the Heiðarvíga saga which he and Morris followed in their translation of this tale. In regard to the Eyrbyggja saga he says in the Preface that Vigfússon’s edition of this work was the best (p. xx) and that he and Morris based their rendering of the “vísur” in this story “on Vigfússon’s prose arrangement of the same” (p. xlvii); moreover, as I have already pointed out, they drew one of their chronological tables and their account of the offspring of Snorri from this same edition. Magnússon does not, however, definitely state in the Preface that they used this text for their whole translation, but a comparison of their rendering with this edition and the only other text of the saga which, according to Islandica, I (1908), 18-19, had been printed by 1868 – namely, the Eyrbyggja-Saga sive Eyranorum Historia quam mandante et impensas faciente P. F. Suhm. Versione, lectionum varietate ac indice rerum auxit G. J. Thorkeling (Copenhagen, 1787 – shows clearly, as the facts enumerated above indicate, that it was Vigfússon’s edition that they followed for their entire translation. Compare, for example the following passages in Vigfússon’s text with the corresponding passages in the other edition and in The Saga Library: p. 3, 11.7-8; 3, 1.9; 3, 1.10; 4, 1.14; 4, 11.23-24; 5, 11.2-3; 6, 1.1; 6, 1.5; 6, 1.14; 6, 1.16; 6, 1.23; and 7, 11.3-4. An examination of these passages, however, in the 1868 holograph manuscript of Morris and Magnússon’s rendering of the Eyrbyggja saga shows that for their first translation the two collaborators followed Thorkelin’s edition; see below, pages 516 and
Please note that the rest of note is cut off from the bottom of the page.

[358]
1. LXXII (1891), 482.
2. Loc. cit.
3. XL (1891), 448.
4. See Mackail, William Morris, II, 265.
5. Collected Works, IX, 95-102. See also above, pages 210-213.
6. Collected Works, IX, 116. See also above, page 58.
7. Collected Works, IX, 125-126. See also above, pages 202-203.

[359]
1. Collected Works, IX, 127-131. See also above, pages 208-210.
2. Collected Works, IX, 140-145. See also above, pages 213-217.
3. Collected Works, IX, 179. See also above, pages 203-205.
4. Collected Works, IX, 201-202. See also above, pages 147-148 and 150-152.
5. Collected Works, IX, 203-205. See also above, pages 147-148.
6. Collected Works, IX, 206-207. See also above, pages 147-148 and 150-152.
7. Collected Works, IX, 208-209. See also above, pages 147-150.
8. Collected Works, IX, 210-212. See also above, pages 147-150.
9. Collected Works, IX, 210-212. See also above, pages 147-150.
10. LXXIII (1892), 155.

[360]
1. XLI (1891), 197. For other reviews of Poems by the Way see the Athena͜eum, No. 3359 (March 12, 1892), 336-338; the Critic, XXI (1892), 2; and the Nation, LV (1892), 11.
2. For these poems see Collected Works, IX, 121-123, 150-153, 106-107, and 139.

[361]
1. See Mackail, William Morris, II, 313.

[362]
1. LVIII(1894), 472.

[363]
1. LVIII(1894), 472.
2. See below, page 562.
3. LXXV (1893), 272-273.
4. LXXVIII(1894), 238-239.
5. CI(1906), 621-622.
6. LXXV(1893), 373.
7. The reviewer has evidently forgotten the excellent map included in the first volume.

[364]
1. LXXVIII(1894), 238.
2. CI(1906), 622.
[note 3 is cut off from the bottom of the page]

[365]
1. CI(1906), 622.
2. For an account of the founding of the Kelmscott Press see Mackail, William Morris, II, 247-256.
3. See Collected Works, XVIII, xxx and xxxvii.

[366]
1. Page 41.
2. Page 249.

[367]
1. See, for example, The Saga Library, I, 126, 11.28-29. For an account of usury among the early Scandinavians see Mary W. Williams, Social Scandinavia in the Viking Age (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1920), pp. 232-233 and the references to Norse lawbooks given there.
2. See above, pages 326-327.
3. See Collected Works, XVII, 61, 1.3.
4. See ibid., XVII, 105, 11.6, 7, 22, and 27; 106, 1.23; and 107, 1.6.
5. See ibid., XVII, 108, 1.6.
6. See ibid., XVII, 98, 1.23; 100, 11.22 and 26; 103, 1.14; 104, 11.14 and 31; and 105, 1.1.
Please note that notes 7 and 8 are cut off from the bottom of the page.

[368]
1. See Collected Works, XVII, 82, 11.21-24.
2. See ibid., VII, 40. 11.12-14 and 90, 11.32-34.
3. For an account of the first edition see ibid., XVII, xlv.
4. See, for example, ibid., XVII, xxxix and Aymer Vallance, William Morris: His Art His Writings and His Public Life (London, 1897), p. 371.
5. Edd. F. Madden and Walter W. Skeat (Early English Text Society, Extra Series, IV, London, 1868).

[369]
1. See The Lay of Havelok, pp. 11-23 and 44-71.
2. See Collected Works, XVII, 162, 1.28; 221, 1.2; 222, 1.32; 223, 1.28; 225, 1.17; and 260, 1.9. See also above, page 321.
3. See Collected Works, XVII, 135, 1.7; 162, 1.25; and 163, 1.10. See also above, pages 307 and 321.
4. See Collected Works, XVII, 163, 1.10 and 22, 1.27. See also above, page 307.

[370]
1. See Collected Works, XVII, 162, 11.28-29; 221, 1.2; and 222, 11.32-33. See also above, pages 308 and 322-325.
2. See Collected Works, XVII, 223, 11.26-28 and 34-36 and 227, 11.31-32. See also above, page 309.
3. See Collected Works, XVII, 231, 1.35-232, 1.1 and 233, 1.37-324, 1.1. See also above, page 308.
4. See Collected Works, XVII, 159, 1.23-160, 1.7 and 167, 11.19-25. See also above, pages 308 and 327.
5. See Collected Works, SVII, 167, 1.24. See also above, page 328.
[notes 6, 7, and 8 are cut off from the bottom of the page]

[371]
1. See Mackail, William Morris, II, 319 and 320.
2. Ibid., II, 318-319.
3. Sagan af Agli Skallagrímssyni, pp. 194-200.

[372]
1. See The Saga Library, I, 18-27.
2. Mackail, op. cit., II, 319.
3. See Fornaldar Sögur Nordrlanda, I, 125, 1.6.
4. See Collected Works, VII, 298, 1.16.
5. See ibid., XVIII, xxxvii.

[384]

1. Collected Works, XXI, 298.

2. See, for example, Cleasby and Vigfússon, An Icelandic-English Dictionary, p. 119, col. 2, s. v. “eik.”

3. Collected Works, XXI, 298.

4. See above, pages 310-313.

 [385]

1. Collected Works, XXI, 302.

2. See, for example, The Saga Library, III, 22, 11.18-19.

3. Collected Works, XXI, 302.

4. See above, page 310.

5. Collected Works, XXI, 302, 1.37.

 [386]

1. Collected Works, XXI, 303.

2. See above, pages 21 ff.

3. Collected Works, XXI, 305.

4. See ibid., XXI, 306, 1.13.

5. See ibid., XXI, 306, 1.15.

 [387]

1. Collected Works, XXI, 307.

2. I, 8, 9, 11, 83, and 84.

3. Collected Works, XXI, 259, 1.12.

 [388]

1. See Collected Works, XXI, 256, 1.32.

 [391]

1. See above pages 42-43.

 [392]

1. The name “Gunnlung” must be a misprint for “Gunnlaug.”

2. Saga Library, VI, XIII-XIV.

3. Collected Works, VII, XVII.

 [393]

1. Saga Library, VI, VII.

2. For a detailed account of this manuscript, see below pages 529-539.

Please note that footnote 3 is cut off from the bottom of the page.

 [394]

1. See Items Number 438, 439, 448, and 450 in Catalogue of the Valuable Library of Ancient Manuscripts and Valuable and Rare Printed Books, Including Several Original Holograph MSS of the Publications of William Morris; The Kelmscott Press Books on Vellum; The Essex & Other Art Presses, &c.., The Property of Lawrence W. Hodson, Esq., of Compton Hall, Wolverhampton, Which Will be Sold by Auction, by Messers. Sotheby, Wilkinson, & Hodge…On Monday, 3rd of December, 1906, and two following Days…

Please note that footnote 2 is cut off from the bottom of the page.

 [395]

1. For a detailed account of this manuscript, see below pages 398 ff.

2. See William Morris: Artist Writer Socialist, I, 460. After complaining of the difficult task of turning the Icelandic “vísur” into English verse without departing too far from the sense of the

Please note the rest of footnote 2 is cut off from the bottom of the page.

[396]

1. See Item No. 1072 in Maggs Brothers’ Catalogue, No. 578(1932).

2. See William Morris: Artist Writer Socialist, I, 456-457.

 [397]

1. This assumption does not, of course, conflict with Magnússon’s statement, quoted above, in regard to the way in which The Saga Library was prepared. Magnússon says, it will be remembered, that in the case of the sagas included in the first three volumes Morris “wrote out the translation and I collated his MS. with the original,” and that for “the last two volumes of the Heimskringla the process was reversed, I doing the translation, he the collation” (Saga Library, VI, vii); however, although all these saga-renderings were published for the first time between 1891 and 1895, we know definitely that all the tales included in the first three volumes, with the exception of The Story of the Heath-Slayings, were actually translated in the 1860’s and 1870’s, and very likely the Heiðarvíga saga also was turned into English at that time, although we do not happen to have any definite information about the

Please note the rest of footnote 1 is cut off from the bottom of the page.

 [398]

1. This manuscript is now in the possession of Professor Paul R. Lieder of Smith College, Northampton, Massachusetts.

2. For information regarding the date of Morris’s translation of this saga, see above pages 344-348.

3. Einarsson, “Eiríkr Magnússon and his Saga-translations,” p. 27.

 [401]

1. For a complete list of these changes, see below, pages 721-767.

2. For a complete list of these changes, see below, pages 721-735.

Please note that footnote 3 is cut off from the bottom of the page.

 [402]

1. In quoting specimen changes, I have followed the same form as that used in the Appendix. Thus, the reference in the left-hand column is to the chapter and line in Morris’s translation as it is presented in Part A of Appendix I; then follow, first, Magnússon’s original rendering and then, after the colon, Morris’s revised version. The reference in the right-hand column is to the page and line in Unger’s edition of the Heimskringla, the text on which Morris and Magnússon based their translation; then comes the Old Norse original.

Please note footnotes 2 and 3 are cut off from the bottom of the page.

 [403]

Please note that footnote 1 is cut off from the bottom of the page.

 [404]

1. See below, pages 725-728, the changes in Group I, A, 1, c, (2).

Please note that note 2 is cut off from the bottom of the page. 


 

The final sections of Anderson's manucript, which consist of four appendices, are available in pdf form:

pp. 551 - 625 1st half of Morris and Magnússon's translation of Sigurd the Jerusalemfarer, pp. 623-884

pp. 626 - 700 Sigurd the Jerusalemfarer

pp. 701 - 775 Sigurd the Jerusalemfarer

pp. 776 - 850 Sigurd the Jerusalemfarer

pp. 851 - 866 Sigurd the Jerusalemfarer

pp. 867 - 1008 Eyrbyggia Saga, manuscript compared with 1892 version, pp. 885-925, 949-55; Grettissaga, pp. 926-41; style of Morris's illuminated mss., pp. 942-91; Prologue to Heimskringla, 956-66; Haralds saga, pp. 967-76; Haward the Halt, pp. 977-91; Old Icelandic usages in Morris's poetry, pp. 993-98; Scandinavian works in Morris's library, pp. 999-1010

pp. 1009 - 1032bibliography, pp. 1011-32

 

 

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